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BROADWWAT
TRANSLATIONS
‘‘ Age cannot wither her, nor custom stale
Her infinite variety.”
Printed in Great Britain
Frontispiece
Exquemel e\ mn BNekand Ve 6\ \Vv \e v
Broadway Cranslations
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ESQUEMELING
THE
BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA
A TRUE ACCOUNT OF THE MOST REMARKABLE
ASSAULTS COMMITTED OF LATE YEARS UPON
THE COAST OF THE WEST INDIES BY THE
BUCCANEERS OF JAMAICA AND TORTUGA,
BOTH ENGLISH AND FRENCH
Wherein are contained more especially the Unparalleled Exploits
of SIR HENRY MORGAN, our English Jamaican Hero, who
sacked Porto Bello, burnt Panama, etc.
Written originally in Dutch by
JOHN ESQUEMELING
One of the Buccaneers who was present at these tragedies
Translated into Spanish by
ALONSO DE BONNE-MAISON, M.D., etc.
Now faithfully rendered into English
with Facsimiles of all the Original Engravings, Maps, etc.
TRANSLATION OF 1684-5
Revised and Edited by
WILLIAM SWAN STALLYBRASS
C Sovnenschem J
To which is prefixed an Introductory Essay by
ANDREW LANG Ly,
oy
we
LONDON
GEORGE ‘ROUTLEDGE & SONS LTD.
NEW YORK: E. P. DUTTON & CO.
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN oh,
EDITOR’S NOTE
THE first three Parts of this work were originally written in
Dutch by Alex. Olivier Exquemelin (1645-1707)—anglicized
as JOHN ESQUEMELING; and published in Amsterdam in 1678
under the title De Americaensche Zeerovers. A Spanish trans-
lation by A. de Buena-Maison, under the title Piratas de la
America, appeared in small 4to, at Colonia Agrippina 1681,
and translations into other European languages followed, each
magnifying the deeds of its own national hero, sometimes at
the expense of Esquemeling’s text.
The FourtH Part consists of the Journal of Basil Ringrose,
* gent.”, one of the English Buccaneers ; and gives an account
of their principal exploits in the South Seas, with which
Esquemeling dealt only in outline. Ringrose was with the
Buccaneers at Darien in 1680, and returned to England in 1682:
his Journal appeared as the second volume of Esquemeling’s
work in 1685. He sailed in 1684 for the South Seas in the
Cygnet, whose Captain joined the Buccaneers: he was killed
by the Spaniards in Mexico in 1686.
The present edition is a verbatim reprint—modernized in
respect of punctuation, and obsolete spellings and verbal
and typographic eccentricities—of the second edition of the
English translation (London: printed for William Crooke,
at the Green Dragon without Temple-bar, 1684), which con-
tains two additional chapters (XI and XII) to the first edition
(also 1684) relating the adventures of Captain Cook, Captain
Sharp, and others. Ringrose’s FourTH Part is reprinted from
the first edition, which is excessively rare, valued to-day at
about £60 (in good condition). A few notes have been added at
the foot of the pages where obscurities—chiefly verbal—occur.
The essay on this book from the pen of the late Mr Andrew
Lang is reprinted from his Essays in Little, by kind permission
of Messrs Longmans, Green and Co., its publishers.
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CONTENTS
Epitor’s Note
Essay BY ANDREW LANG
ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER
THE TRANSLATOR TO THE READER
CHAPTER
) Oe
a Ge:
VI:
PART: J
The author sets forth towards the Western Islands, in
the service of the West India Company of France.
They meet with an English frigate, and arrive at the
island of Tortuga
Description of the island of Tortuga: of the fruits and
plants there growing: how the French settled there,
at two several times, and cast out the Spaniards, first
masters thereof. The author of this book was twice
sold in the said Island
: Description of the great and famous Island of Hispaniola
: Of the Fruits, Trees, and Animals that are found at
Hispaniola
: Of all sorts of quadruped animals and birds that are
found in this island. As also a relation of the French
Buccaneers
: Of the origin of the most famous Pirates of the coasts of
America. A notable exploit of Pierre le Grand
: After what manner the Pirates arm their vessels, and
how they regulate their voyages
PART II
: Origin of Francis L’Ollonais, and beginning of his
robberies
: L’Ollonais equips a fleet to land upon the Spanish islands
of America, with intent to rob, sack, and burn what-
ever he met
: L’Ollonais makes new preparations to take the city of
St James de Leon; as also that of Nicaragua, where
he miserably perishes
: Of the origin and descent of Captain Henry Morgan—his
exploits and a continuation of the most remarkable
actions of his life
: Some account of the island of Cuba. Captain Morgan
attempts to preserve the isle of St Catharine as a
refuge and nest to Pirates; but fails of his designs.
He arrives at and takes the village of El Puerto del
Principe
Captain Morgan resolves to attack and plunder the city
of Porto Bello. To this effect he equips a fleet, ana
with little expense and small forces, takes the said place
vil
81
87
IOI
119
127 ae
135
vill
CHAPTER
VII":
VEL:
Viit:
|, Sr
es
SITS
CONTENTS
Captain Morgan takes the city of Maracaibo, on the
coast of New Venezuela. Piracies committed in those
seas. Ruin of three Spanish ships that were set forth
to hinder the robberies of the Pirates
PARI iif
: Captain Morgan goes to the isle of Hispaniola to equip a
new fleet, with intent to pillage again upon the coasts
of the West Indies
: What happened in the river De la Hacha
: Captain Morgan leaves the island of Hispaniola, and
goes to that of St Catharine, which he takes
: Captain Morgan takes the Castle of Chagre, with four
hundred men sent for this purpose from the Isle of
St Catharine
: Captain Morgan departs from the Castle of Chagre, at
- the head of twelve hundred men, with design to take
the city of Panama
: Captain Morgan sends several canoes and boats to the
South Sea. He sets fire to the city of Panama.
Robberies and cruelties committed there by the
Pirates till their return to the Castle of Chagre
Of a voyage made by the author along the coasts of
Costa Rica, at his return towards Jamaica. What
happened most remarkable in the said voyage. Some
observations made by him at that time
The author departs towards the Cape of Gracias 4 Dios.
Of the commerce which here the Pirates exercise with
the Indians. His arrival at the Island De los Pinos ;
and, finally, his return to Jamaica
The relation of the shipwreck which Monsieur Bertram
Ogeron, Governor of the isle of Tortuga, suffered near
the Isles of Guadanillas. How both he and his com-
panions fell into the hands of the Spaniards. By
what arts he escaped their hands, and preserved his
life. The enterprise which he undertook against
Porto Rico to deliver his people. The unfortunate
success of that design
: A relation of what encounters lately happened at the
islands of Cayana and Tobago between the Count de
Estres, Admiral of France, in America, and the Heer
Jacob Binkes, Vice-Admiral of the United Provinces,
in the same parts
Adventures of Captain Cook, in the year 1678. He is
taken by the Spaniards. Bold exploits, and revenge
of his losses, performed by some few Buccaneers that
were on board his ship
A brief account of Captain Sharp and other his com-
panions ; their voyage from Jamaica unto the province
of Darien and South Sea; with the robberies and
assaults they committed there for the space of three
years, till their return for England in the year 1682.
Given by one of the Buccaneers who was present at
those transactions
PAGE
143
173
175
179
185
192
224
233
242
249
254
257
a a
CONTENTS
PART IV
CHAPTER
be
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III:
VE;
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WILD;
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A2
THE PREFACE TO THE READER
Captain Coxon, Sawkins, Sharp, and others set forth in
a fleet towards the province of Darien, upon the con-
tinent of America. Their designs to pillage and
plunder in those parts. Number of their ships, and
strength of their forces by sea and land
They march towards the town of Santa Maria with
design to take it. The Indian King of Darien meets
, them by the way. Difficulties of this march, with
other occurrences till they arrive at the place
They take the town of Santa Maria with no loss of men,
and but small booty of what they fought for. Descrip-
tion of the place, country, and river adjacent. They
resolve to go and plunder for the second time the city
of Panama
: The Buccaneers leave the town of Santa Maria, and
proceed by sea to take Panama. Extreme difficulties,
with sundry accidents and dangers of that voyage
: Shipwreck of Mr Ringrose, the author of this narrative.
He is taken by the Spaniards, and miraculously by
them preserved. Several other accidents and
disasters which befel him after the loss of his com-
panions till he found them again. Description of the
Gulf of Vallona
The Buccaneers prosecute their voyage, till they come
within sight of Panama. They take several barks
and prisoners by the way. Are descried by the
Spaniards before their arrival. They order the
Indians to kill the prisoners
They arrive within sight of Panama. Are encountered
by three small men-of-war. They fight them with
only 68 men, and utterly defeat them, taking two of
the said vessels. Description of that bloody fight. They
take several ships at the Isle of Perico before Panama
Description of the state and condition of Panama, and
the parts adjacent. What vessels they took while they
blocked up the said Port. Captain Coxon with
seventy more returns home. Sawkins is chosen in chief
Captain Sawkins, chief commander of the Buccaneers,
is killed before Puebla Nueva. They are repulsed
from the said place. Captain Sharp chosen to be
their leader. Many more of their company leave them
and return home overland
: They depart from the island of Cayboa to the island of
Gorgona, where they careen their vessels. Description
of this isle. They resolve to go and plunder Arica,
leaving their design of Guayaquil
The Buccaneers depart from the isle of Gorgona, with
design to plunder Arica. They lose one another by the
way. They touch at the Isle of Plate, or Drake’s Isle,
where they meet again. Description of this isle.
Some memoirs of Sir Francis Drake. An account of
this voyage and the coasts all along. They sail as far in
a fortnight as the Spaniards usually do in three months
297
301
306
399
312
318
321
327
333
338
345
x
CONTENTS
XII: Captain Sharp and his company depart from the Isle of
Plate in prosecution of their voyage towards Arica.
They take two Spanish vessels by the way, and learn
intelligence from the enemy. Eight of their company
destroyed at the Isle of Gallo. Tediousness of this
voyage, and great hardships they endured. Descrip-
tion of the coast all along, and their sailings
XIII: A continuation of their long and tedious voyage to
Arica, with a description of the coasts and sailings
thereunto. Great hardship they endured for want
of water and other provisions. They are descried at
Arica, and dare not land there—the country being all
in arms before them. They retire from thence, and
go to Puerto de Hilo, close by Arica. Here they land,
take the town with little or no loss on their side,
refresh themselves with provisions; but in the end
are cheated by the Spaniards, and forced shamefully
to retreat from thence
XIV: The Buccaneers depart from the Port of Hilo, and sail
to that of Coquimbo. They are descried before their
arrival. Notwithstanding they land; are encoun-
tered by the Spaniards; and put them to flight.
They take, plunder, and fire the City of la Serena. A
description thereof. A stratagem of the Spaniards,
in endeavouring to fire their ship, discovered and
prevented. They are deceived again by the Spaniards,
and forced to retire from Coquimbo, without any
ransom for the City or considerable pillage. They
release several of their chief prisoners
XV: The Buccaneers depart from Coquimbo for the isle of
Juan Fernandez. An exact account of this voyage.
Misery they endure, and great dangers they escape
very narrowly there. They mutiny among them-
selves, and choose Watling to be their chief comman-
der. Description of the island. Three Spanish
men-of-war meet with the Buccaneers at the said
island, but these outbrave them on the one side and
give them the slip on the other
: The Buccaneers depart from the isle of Juan Fernandez
to that of Iquique. Here they take several prisoners,
and learn intelligence of the posture of affairs at Arica.
Cruelty committed upon one of the said prisoners who
had rightly informed them. They attempt Arica the
second time, and take the town, but are beaten out of
it again before they could plunder—with great loss
of men, many of them being killed, wounded, and
made prisoners. Captain Watling, their chief Com-
mander, is killed in this attack, and Captain Sharp
presently chosen again, who leads them off, and
through mountains of difficulties makes a bold retreat
to the ship
XVII: A description of the Bay of Arica. They sail hence to
the Port of Guasco, where they get provisions. A
draft of the said port. They land again at Hilo to
revenge the former affronts, and take what they could
find
PAGE
354
367
380
390
401
410
i
CHAPTER
XVIII:
XIX :
>
XXI:
XXII :
XXIII :
XXIV :
XXV :
CONTENTS
They depart from the Port of Hilo to the Gulf of Nicoya,
where they take down their decks and mend the
sailing of their ship. Forty-seven of their companions
leave them, and go home over land. A description
of the Gulf of Nicoya. They take two barks and
some prisoners there. Several other remarks belong-
ing to this voyage
They depart from the Gulf of Nicoya to Golfo Dulce,
where they careen their vessel. An account of their
sailings along the coast; also a description of Golfo
Dulce. The Spaniards force the Indians of Darien to
a peace by a stratagem contrived in the name of the
English
They depart from Golfo Dulce, to go and cruise under
the equinoctial. Here they take a rich Spanish vessel
with 37,000 pieces-of-eight, besides plate and other
goods. They take also a packet-boat bound from
Panama to Lima. An account of their sailings and
the coast along
They take another Spanish ship richly laden under the
equinoctial. They make several dividends of their
booty among themselves. They arrive at the Isle of
Plate, where they are in danger of being all massacred
by their slaves and prisoners. Their departure thence
for the port and bay of Paita, with design to plunder
the said place
They arrive at Paita, where they are disappointed of
their expectations, as not daring to land, seeing all
the country alarmed before them. They bear away
for the Strait of Magellan. Description of the bay
and port of Paita, and Colan. An account of their
sailings towards the Strait aforementioned
The Buccaneers arrive at a place incognito, to which
they give the name of the Duke of York’s Islands.
A description of the said islands and of the gulf, or
lagoon, wherein they lie, so far as it was searched.
They remain there many days by stress of weather, not
without great danger of being lost. An account of
some other remarkable things that happened there
They depart from the English Gulf in quest of the
Strait of Magellan, which they cannot find. They
return home by an unknown way, never navigated
before
The Buccaneers continue their navigation, without
seeing any land, till they arrive at the Caribbean
Islands in the West Indies. They give away their
ship to some of their companions that were poor, and
disperse for several countries. The author of this
Journal arrives in England
PAGE
416
423
428
433
439
447
455
466
LIST OF BRULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS
Str HENRY MORGAN Frontispiece
PAGE
BARTHOLOMEW PORTUGUES 65
Rock BRASILIANO ay
Francis L’OLLonais | 83
L’OLLonals’ BRUTALITIES 105
PUERTO DEL PRINCIPE TAKEN AND SACKED 149
THE SPANISH ARMADA DESTROYED BY CAPT. MORGAN 163
THE COUNTRY AND CiTy OF PANAMA 193
BATTLE BEFORE PANAMA 209
MAP OF THE SOUTH SEAS AND COASTS 287
x11
ADVENTURES OF BUCCANEERS
By ANDREW LANG?
Most of us, as boys, have envied the buccaneers. The
greatest of all boys, Canon Kingsley, once wrote a pleasing
and regretful poem in which the Last Buccaneer represents
himself as a kind of picturesque philanthropist :
* There were forty craft in Aves that were both swift and stout,
All furnished well with small arms, and cannons round about ;
And a thousand men in Aves made laws so fair and free,
To choose their valiant captains and obey them loyally.
Thence we sailed against the Spaniard with his hoards of plate and
gold,
Which he wrung with cruel tortures from Indian folk of old ;
Likewise the merchant captains, with hearts as hard as stone,
Who flog men and keel-haul them, and starve them to the bone.”
The buccaneer is “ a gallant sailor ’’, according to Kingsley’s
poem—a Robin Hood of the waters, who preys only on the
wicked rich, or the cruel and Popish Spaniard, and the
extortionate shipowner. For his own part, when he is not
rescuing poor Indians, the buccaneer lives mainly “‘ for climate
and the affections ”’ :
“‘ Oh, sweet it was in Aves to hear the landward breeze,
A swing with good tobacco in a net between the trees,
With a negro lass to fan you, while you listened to the roar
Of the breakers on the reef outside that never touched the shore.”’
This is delightfully idyllic, like the lives of the Tahitian
shepherds in The Anti-Jacobin—the shepherds whose occu-
pation was a sinecure, as there were no sheep in Tahiti.
Yet the vocation was not really so touchingly chivalrous
as the poet would have us deem. One Joseph Esquemeling,
himself a buccaneer, has written the history and described
the exploits of his companions in plain prose, warning eager
? Reprinted, by kind permission of Messrs Longmans, Green and Co.,
from his Essays in Little,
x1
xiv ADVENTURES OF BUCCANEERS
youths that ‘ pieces-of-eight do not grow on every tree ”’,
as many raw recruits have believed. Mr Esquemeling’s
account of these matters may be purchased, with a great
deal else that is instructive and entertaining, in The History
of the Buccaneers in America. My edition (of 1810) is a dumpy
little book, in very small type, and quite a crowd of publishers
took part in the venture. The older editions are difficult to
procure if your pockets are not stuffed with pieces-of-eight.
You do not often find even this volume, but ‘“‘ when found
make a note of ’’, and you have a reply to Canon Kingsley.
A charitable old Scotch lady, who heard our ghostly foe
evil spoken of, remarked that ‘“ If we were all as diligent and
conscientious as the Devil, it would be better for us’’. Now,
the buccaneers were certainly models of diligence and con-
scientiousness in their own industry, which was to torture people
till they gave up their goods, and then to run them through
the body, and spend the spoils over drink and dice. Except
Dampier, who was a clever man, but a poor buccaneer (Mr
Clark Russell has written his life), they were the most hideously
ruthless miscreants that ever disgraced the earth and the sea.
But their courage and endurance were no less notable than
their greed and cruelty, so that a moral can be squeezed even
out of these abandoned miscreants. The soldiers and sailors
who made their way within gunshot of Khartoum, overcoming
thirst, hunger, heat, the desert, and the gallant children of
the desert, did not fight, march, and suffer more bravely than
the scoundrels who sacked Maracaibo and burned Panama.
Their good qualities were no less astounding and exemplary
than their almost incredible wickedness. They did not lie
about in hammocks much, listening to the landward wind
among the woods—the true buccaneers. To tell the truth,
most of them had no particular cause to love the human
species. They were often Europeans who had been sold into
slavery on the West Indian plantations, where they learned
lessons of cruelty by suffering it. Thus Mr Joseph Esquemel-
ing, our historian, was beaten, tortured, and nearly starved to
death in Tortuga, “‘so I determined, not knowing how to get
any living, to enter into the order of the pirates or robbers of
the sea’”’. The poor Indians of the isles, much pitied by
Kingsley’s buccaneer, had a habit of sticking their prisoners
all over with thorns, wrapped in oily cotton, whereto they
ADVENTURES OF BUCCANEERS ~ xv
then set fire. ‘‘ These cruelties many Christians have seen
while they lived among these barbarians’’, Mr Esquemeling
was to see, and inflict, plenty of this kind of torment, which
was not out of the way nor unusual. One planter alone had
killed over a hundred of his servants—‘‘ the English did the
same with theirs ”’.
A buccaneer voyage began in stealing a ship, collecting
desperadoes, and torturing the local herdsmen till they gave
up their masters’ flocks, which were salted as provisions.
Articles of service were then drawn up, on the principle “ no
prey, no pay’’. The spoils, when taken, were loyally divided
as a rule, though Captain Morgan, of Wales, made no more
scruple about robbing his crew than about barbecuing a
Spanish priest. ‘‘ They are very civil and charitable to each
other, so that if any one wants what another has, with great
willingness they give it to one another’’. In other matters
they did not in the least resemble the early Christians. A
fellow nicknamed The Portuguese may be taken as our first
example of their commendable qualities.
With a small ship of four guns he had taken a great one
of twenty guns, with 70,000 pieces-of-eight. . . . He himself,
however, was presently captured by a larger vessel, and
imprisoned on board. Being carelessly watched, he escaped
on two earthen jars (for he could not swim), reached the woods
in Campechy, and walked for a hundred and twenty miles
through the bush. His only food was a few shell-fish, and by
way of a knife he had a large nail, which he whetted to an edge
onastone. Having made a kind of raft, he struck a river, and
paddled to Golpho Triste, where he found congenial pirates.
With twenty of these, and a boat, he returned to Campechy,
where he had been a prisoner, and actually captured the large
ship in which he had lain captive! Bad luck pursued him,
however : his prize was lost in a storm’; he reached Jamaica
in a canoe, and never afterwards was concerned as leader in
any affair of distinction. Not even Odysseus had more
resource, nor was more long-enduring ; but Fortune was The
Portuguese’s foe. .
Braziliano, another buccaneer, served as a pirate before
the mast, and “‘ was beloved and respected by all”. Being
raised to command, he took a plate ship; but this success
was of indifferent service to his otherwise amiable character.
xvi ADVENTURES OF BUCCANEERS
“He would often appear foolish and brutish when in drink ”’,
and has been known to roast Spaniards alive on wooden spits
“for not showing him hog yards where he might steal swine ”’.
One can hardly suppose that Kingsley would have regretted
this buccaneer, even if he had been the last, which unluckily
he was not. His habit of sitting in the street beside a barrel
of beer, and shooting all passers-by who would not drink with
him, provoked remark, and was an act detestable to all
friends of temperance principles.
Francois L’Olonnois, from Southern France, had been
kidnapped, and sold as a slave in the Caribbee Islands.
Recovering his freedom, he plundered the Spanish, says my
buccaneer author, “ till his unfortunate death’. With two
canoes he captured a ship which had been sent after him,
carrying ten guns and a hangman for his express benefit. This
hangman, much, to the fellow’s chagrin, L’Olonnois put to
death like the rest of his prisoners. His great achievements
were in the Gulf of Venezuela or Bay of Maracaibo. The gulf
is a strong place; the mouth, no wider than a gun-shot, is
guarded by two islands. Far up the inlet is Maracaibo, a town
of three thousand people, fortified and surrounded by woods.
Yet farther up is the town of Gibraltar. To attack these was
a desperate enterprise ; but L’Olonnois stole past the forts,
and frightened the townsfolk into the woods. As a rule the
Spaniards made the poorest resistance ; there were examples
of courage, but none of conduct. With strong forts, heavy
guns, many men, provisions, and ammunition, they quailed
before the desperate valour of the pirates. The towns were
sacked, the fugitives hunted out in the woods, and the most
abominable tortures were applied to make them betray their
friends and reveal their treasures. When they were silent,
or had no treasures to declare, they were hacked, twisted,
burned, and starved to death.
Such were the manners of L’Olonnois; and Captain
Morgan, of Wales, was even more ruthless.
Gibraltar was well fortified and strengthened after Mara-
caibo fell; new batteries were raised, the way through the
woods was barricaded, and no fewer than eight hundred
men were under arms to resist a small pirate force, exhausted
by debauch, and having its retreat cut off by the forts at the
mouth of the great salt-water loch. But L’Olonnois did not
- ~~ =. <4.
ADVENTURES OF BUCCANEERS - xvii
blench ; he told the men that audacity was their one hope,
also that he would pistol the first who gave ground. The men
cheered enthusiastically, and a party of three hundred and
fifty landed. The barricaded way they could not force, and
in a newly cut path they met a strong battery which fired
grape. But L’Olonnois was invincible. He tried that old
trick which rarely fails, a sham retreat, and this lured the
Spaniards from their earthwork on the path. The pirates
then turned, sword in hand, slew two hundred of the enemy,
and captured eight guns. The town yielded, the people fled
to the woods, and then began the wonted sport of torturing
the prisoners. Maracaibo they ransomed afresh, obtained
a pilot, passed the forts with ease, and returned after sacking
a small province. On a dividend being declared, they parted
260,000 pieces-of-eight among the band, and spent the pillage
in a revel of three weeks.
L’Olonnois ‘‘ got great repute’”’ by this conduct, but I
rejoice to add that in a raid on Nicaragua he “ miserably
perished’, and met what Mr Esquemeling calls “his un-
fortunate death’, For L’Olonnois was really an ungentle-
manly character. He would hack a Spaniard to pieces, tear
out his heart, and “‘ gnaw it with his teeth like a ravenous
wolf, saying to the rest ‘ I will serve you all alike if you show
me not another way ’”’ (to a town which he designed attack-
ing). In Nicaragua he was taken by the Indians, who, being
entirely on the Spanish side, tore him to pieces and burned
him. Thus we really must not be deluded by the professions
of Mr Kingsley’s sentimental buccaneer, with his pity for
“ the Indian folk of old ”’.
Except Denis Scott, a worthy bandit in his day, Captain
Henry Morgan is the first renowned British buccaneer. He
was a young Welshman, who, after having been sold as a slave
in Barbadoes, became a sailor of fortune. With about four
hundred men he assailed Puerto Bello. ‘‘ If our number is
small ’’, he said, ‘‘ our hearts are great ’’, and so he assailed
the third city and place of arms which Spain then possessed
in the West Indies. The entrance of the harbour was protected
by two strong castles, judged as “‘ almost impregnable ’’,
while Morgan had no artillery of any avail against fortresses.
Morgan had the luck to capture a Spanish soldier, whom he
compelled to parley with the garrison of the castle. This he
xvii ADVENTURES OF BUCCANEERS
stormed and blew up, massacring all its defenders, while with
its guns he disarmed the sister fortress. When all but de-
feated in a new assault, the sight of the English colours
animated him afresh. He made the captive monks and nuns
carry the scaling ladders ; in this unwonted exploit the poor
religious folk lost many of their numbers. The wall was
mounted, the soldiers were defeated, though the Governor
fought like a Spaniard of the old school, slew many pirates
with his own hand, and pistolled some of his own men for
cowardice. He died at his post, refusing quarter, and falling
like a gentleman of Spain. Morgan, too, was not wanting in
fortitude: he extorted 100,000 pieces-of-eight from the
Governor of Panama, and sent him a pisto] as a sample of the
gun wherewith he took so great a city. He added that he
would return and take this pistol out of Panama ; nor was he
less good than his word. In Cuba he divided 250,000 pieces-of-
eight, and a great booty in other treasure. A few weeks saw
it all in the hands of the tavern-keepers and women of the
place.
Morgan’s next performance was a new sack of Maracaibo,
now much stronger than L’Olonnois had found it. After the
most appalling cruelties, not fit to be told, he returned, passing
the castles at the mouth of the port by an ingenious stratagem.
Running boatload after boatload of men to the land side, he
brought them back by stealth, leading the garrison to expect
an attack from that quarter. The guns were massed to land-
ward, and no sooner was this done than Morgan sailed up
through the channel with but little loss. Why the Spaniards
did not close the passage with a boom does not appear.
Probably they were glad to be quit of Morgan on any terms.
A great Spanish fleet he routed by the ingenious employ-
ment of a fire-ship. In a later expedition a strong place was
taken by a curious accident. One of the buccaneers was shot
through the body with an arrow. He drew it out, wrapped it
in cotton, fired it from his musket, and so set light to a roof
and burned the town.
His raid on Panama was extraordinary for the endurance
of his men. For days they lived on the leather of bottles and
belts. ‘‘ Some, who were never out of their mothers’ kitchens,
may ask how these pirates could eat and digest these pieces
of leather, so hard and dry ? Whom I answer—that could they
ADVENTURES OF BUCCANEERS - xix
once experience what hunger, or rather famine is, they would
find the way, as the pirates did’. It was at the close of this
march that the Indians drove wild bulls among them; but
they cared very little for these new allies of the Spaniards :
beef, in any form, was only too welcome.
Morgan burned the fair cedar houses of Panama, but lost
the plate ship with all the gold and silver out of the churches.
How he tortured a poor wretch who chanced to wear a pair
of taffety trousers belonging to his master, with a small silver
key hanging out, it is better not to repeat. The men only got
two hundred pieces-of-eight each, after all their toil, for their
Welshman was indeed a thief, and bilked his crews, no less
than he plundered the Spaniards, without remorse. Finally,
he sneaked away from the fleet with a ship or two ; -and it is
to be feared that Captain Morgan made rather a good thing by
dint of his incredible cruelty and villainy.
And so we leave Mr Esquemeling, whom Captain Morgan
also deserted ; for who would linger long when there is not
even honour among thieves? Alluring as the pirate’s pro-
fession is, we must not forget that it had a seamy side, and
was by no means all rum and pieces-of-eight. And there is
something repulsive to a generous nature in roasting men be-
cause they will not show you where to steal hogs.
AN ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER
CONCERNING THIS SECOND EDITION
Tue first edition of this History of the Buccaneers was received
with such general applause of most people, but more especially
of the learned, as to encourage me towards obliging the public
with this second impression, though within the space of three
months of time. This I have completed with the same cuts and
maps, and all the other embellishments which the former had ;
and yet rendered it by the closeness of its character more easy to
be purchased, as being comprehended in a fewer number of sheets
of paper. Unto this second edition I have also added some
velations which have been imparted to me from good and
authentic hands ; wherein ave contained several other bold
exploits and attempts, performed of late years by the same
Buccaneers, especially since the time that the author of the first
impression left those parts of the West Indies, and published his
book in Holland. These are comprehended in two or three
chapters at the latter end of this second edition, and do chiefly
velate unto the adventures of Captain Cook in the year 1678,
and the hazardous and bold attempts of Captain Sharp and
others ; who lately, setting forth from Jamaica, penetrated into
the South Sea, and there ransacked and pillaged, for the space of
three years, all they could meet, returning at last homewards
about the Tierra del Fuego, commonly called Terra Australis
Incognita, beyond the Strait of Magellan ; and thus performing
one of the boldest and longest voyages that ever was attempted in
the world. Of all which voyage, and especially of all the
soundings, ports, harbours, rivers, creeks, islands, rocks, towns,
and cities belonging unto the whole navigation of the South Sea,
he hath brought home such an exact description, and such complete
maps, taken from the Spaniards themselves, who only navigate
that ocean, as were never seen in these parts of the world before.
B
2 ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER
The very Journal of this triennial navigation, I am informed, ts
now in the press, being published by a worthy gentleman of my
acquaintance ; the perusal whereof I hope will acquit what I
have said to be nothing more nor less than the very truth itself.
What I here give my reader concerning Captain Sharp and his
companions 1s only a short account of his transactions, which
may serve for an accomplishment of this History of the
Buccaneers (he being one of the same profession) ; which I
veceived from the very hand of one of his seamen who was present
at these exploits (and which was printing before I heard of the
Journal of Captain Sharp): the which likewise how far it will
agree with the Journal itself (as I hear is almost ready to be
published) I cannot easily declare, as having not seen nor perused
the said book. Yet thus much I am induced to believe of this
narrative, though never so shortly compiled, that it will not much
deviate from the substance of what matter of fact will be there
rehearsed, and that the said Journal, when published, will
appear, for its novelty and curiosity, to be as it were a
Second Part of this History of the Buccaneers. All which
notwithstanding, something may be yet remaining behind of this
nature, wherewith in due time I may chance to pleasure the public,
but not to be added to this volume, but to be a volume of ttself,
this first volume of the Buccaneers being as full as tt can be
made. Whatever shall for the future be published by me shall
be put into another volume.
THE TRANSLATOR TO THE READER
Tue present volume, both for its curiosity and ingenuity, I dare
recommend to the perusal of our English nation, whose glorious
actions it contains. What relates to the curiosity hereof, this
piece, both of natural and human history, was no sooner published
in the Dutch original than it was snatched up for the most curious
libraries of Holland: it was translated into Spanish (two
impressions thereof being sent into Spain in one year) ; tt was
taken notice of by the learned Academy of Paris; and finally
recommended as worthy of our esteem by the ingenious author of
the ‘Weekly Memorials for the Ingenious’, printed here at
London about two years ago. Neither all this undeservedly,
seeing it enlarges our acquaintance of natural history, so much
prized and inquired for by the learned of this present age, with
several observations not easily to be found in other accounts
already received from America; and, besides, it informs us
(with huge novelty) of as great and bold attempts in point of
military conduct and valour as ever were performed by mankind,
without excepting here either Alexander the Great or Julius
Cesar or the rest of the Nine Worthies of Fame. Of all which
actions, as we cannot but confess ourselves to have been ignorant
hitherto (the very name of ‘ Buccaneers’ being as yet known but
to few of the ingenious, as their lives, laws, and conversation
are in a manner unto none), so can they not choose but be admired,
out of this ingenious Author, by whosoever is curious to learn the
various revolutions of human affairs. But, more especially by
our English nation, as unto whom these things more narrowly do
appertain—we having here more than half the book filled with
the unparalleled if not inimitable adventures and heroic exploits
of our own countrymen and relations, whose undaunted and
exemplary courage, when called upon by our King and Country,
we ought to emulate.
From whence it has proceeded that nothing of this kind was
3
A (VRANSEA TOR “TO: THE-READER
ever as yet published in England I cannot easily determine,
except, as some will say, from some secret ‘ Ragion di Stato’.
Let the reason be as tt will, this is certain, so much the more we
are obliged to this present author, who, though a stranger to our
nation, yet with that candour and fidelity has recorded our actions,
as to render the metal of our true English valour to be the more
believed and feared abroad than 1f these things had been divulged
by ourselves at home. From hence peradventure will other
nations learn that the English people are of their genius more
inclinable to act than to write ; seeing as well they as we have
lived unacquainted with these actions of our nation, until such
time as a foreign author to our country came to tell them.
Besides the merit of this piece for its curiosity, another point
of no less esteem is the truth and sincerity wherewith everything
seems to be penned. No greater ornament or dignity can be
added to history, either human or natural, than truth. All other
embellishments, if this be failing, are of little or no esteem; if
this be delivered, are either needless or superfluous. What
concerns this requisite in our author, his lines do everywhere
declare the faithfulness and sincerity of his mind. He writes
not by hearsay, but was an eye-witness, as he somewhere tells
you, to all and every one of the bold and hazardous attempts
which he relates. And these he delivers with such candour of
style, such ingenuity of mind, such plainness of words, such
conciseness of periods, so much divested of rhetorical hyperboles
or the least flourishes of eloquence, so hugely void of passion or
national reflections, that he strongly persuades all along to the
credit of what he says—yea, raises the mind of the reader to
believe these things far greater than what he has said; and,
having read him, leaves only this scruple or concern behind, that
you can read him no longer. In a word, such are his deserts
that some persons peradventure would not stickle to compare him
to the lather of Historians, Philip de Comines: at least, thus
much may be said with all truth imaginable, that he resembles
that great author in many of his excellent qualities.
I know some persons have objected to the greatness of these
prodigious adventures, intimating that the resistance our Bucca-
neers found in America was everywhere but small. For the
Spaniards, say they, in the West Indies are become of late
years nothing less, but rather much more, degenerate than in
Europe, the continual peace they have enjoyed in those parts,
TRANSLATOR TO THE READER 5
the defect of military discipline, and European soldiers for their
commanders, much contributing hereunto. But more especially
and above all other reasons the very luxury of the soil and riches,
the extreme heat of those countries and influence of the stars being
such as totally incline their bodies to an infinite effeminacy and
cowardice of mind,
Unto these reasons I shall only answer in brief : This History
will convince them to be mantfestly false. For, as to the
continual peace here alleged, we know that no peace could ever be
established ‘beyond the Line,’ since the first possession of the
West Indies by the Spaniards till the burning of Panama. At
that time, or a few months before, Sir William Godolphin by his
prudent negociation in quality of Ambassador for our most
Gracious Monarch concluded at Madrid a peace to be observed
even beyond the Line and through the whole extent of the Spanish
Dominions in the West Indies. This transaction gave the
Spaniards new causes of complaint against our proceedings,
that no sooner a peace had been established for those parts of
America but our Forces had taken and burnt both Chagre, St
Catharine, and Panama. But our reply was convincing :
That, whereas eight or ten months had been allowed by Articles
for the publishing of the said peace through all the dominions
of both monarchies in America, those hostilities had been
committed, not only without orders from his Majesty of England
but also within the space of the said eight or ten months of time.
Until that time the Spanish inhabitants of America being, as it
were, in a perpetual war with Europe, certain it ts that no coasts
nor kingdoms in the world have been more frequently infested
or alarmed with the invasions of several nations than theirs.
Thus, from the very beginning of their conquests in America,
both English, French, Dutch, Portuguese, Swedes, Danes, Cour-
landers, and all other nations that navigate the ocean have
frequented the West Indies, and filled them with their robberies
and assaults. From these occasions have they been in continual
watch and ward, and kept their militia in constant exercise,
as also their garrisons pretty well provided and paid ; as fearing
every sail they discovered at sea to be pirates of one nation or
another. But much more espectally, since that Curagoa,
Tortuga, and Jamaica have been inhabited by English, French,
and Dutch, and bred up that race of huntsmen than which no
other ever was more desperate nor more mortal enemies to the
6 TRANSLATOR TO THE READER
Spaniards, called Buccaneers. Now shall we say that these
people, through too long continuation of peace, have utterly
abolished the exercises of war, having been all along incessantly
vexed with the tumults and alarms thereof ?
In like manner is it false to accuse their defect of military
discipline for want of European commanders. For who knows
not that all places, both military and civil, through those vast
dominions of the West Indtes are provided out of Spain? And
those of the militia most commonly given to expert commanders
trained up from their infancy in the Wars of Europe, either in
Africa, Milan, Sicily, Naples, or Flanders, fighting against
either English, French, Dutch, Portuguese, or Moors? Yea,
theiy very garrisons, if you search them in those parts, will
peradventure be found to be stocked three parts to four with
soldiers both born and bred in the kingdom of Spain.
From these considerations it may be inferred what little
difference ought to be allowed betwixt the Spanish soldiers,
inhabitants of the West Indies, and those of Europe. And how
little the soil or climate has influenced or caused their courage to
degenerate towards cowardice or baseness of mind. As tf the
very same arguments, deduced from the nature of that climate,
did not equally militate against the valour of our famous
Buccaneers, and represent this to be of as degenerate metal as
theirs.
But nothing can be more clearly evinced than is the valour of
the American Spaniards, either soldiers or officers, by the sequel
of this history. What men ever fought more desperately than
the garrison of Chagre—their number being 314, and of all these
only 30 remaining ; of which number scarce 10 were unwounded,
and among them not one officer found alive? Were not 600
killed upon the spot at Panama, 500 at Gibraltar, almost as many
more at Puerto del Principe, all dying with their arms in their
hands and facing bravely the enemy for the defence of their
country and private concerns ? Did not those of the town of
San Pedro both fortify themselves, lay several ambuscades, and
lastly sell their lives as dear as ever any European soldier could
do, L’Ollonais being forced to gain step by step his advance unto
the town with huge loss both of blood and men ? Many other in-
stances might be produced out of this compendious volume of the
generous resistance the Spaniards made in several places, though
fortune favoured not their arms.
TRANSLATOR TO THE READER 7
Next, as to the personal valour of many of their commanders,
what man ever behaved himself more briskly than the Governor
of Gibraltar, than the Governor of Puerto del Principe, both
dying for the defence of their towns; than Don Alonso del
Campo, and others? Or what examples can easily parallel
the desperate courage of the Governor of Chagre, who, though
the palisades were fired, the terrepleins {ramparts] were sunk
into the ditch, the breaches were entered, the houses all burnt
about him, the whole castle taken, his men all killed, yet would
not admit of any quarter, but chose rather to die under his arms,
being shot into the brain, than surrender himself as a prisoner
to the Buccaneers ? What lion ever fought to the last gasp more
obstinately than the Governor of Porto Bello, who, seeing the
town entered by surprisal in the night, one chief castle blown
up into the air, all the other forts and castles taken, his own
assaulted several ways, both religious men and women placed at
the front of the enemy to fix the ladders against the walls, yet
spared not to kill as many of the said religious persons as he
could ; and at last, the walls being scaled, the castle entered and
taken, all his own men overcome by fire and sword, who had cast
down their arms and begged mercy from the enemy, yet would
admit of none for his own life? Yea, with his own hands killed
several of his soldiers, to force them to stand to their arms though
all were lost. Yea, theugh his own wife and daughter begged of
him upon their knees that he would save his life by craving
quarter, though the enemy desired of him the same thing, yet
would hearken to no cries nor persuasions, but they were forced
to kill him, combating with his arms in his hands, being not
otherwise able to take him prisoner as they were desirous to do.
Shall these men be said to be influenced with cowardice, who thus
acted to the very last scene of theiy own tragedies ? Or shall we
rather say that they wanted not courage, but fortune ?—it being
certainly true that he who 1s killed in a battle may be equally
courageous with him that kills. And that whosoever derogates
from the valour of the Spaniards in the West Indies diminishes
in like manner the courage of the Buccaneers, his own countrymen,
who have seemed to act beyond mortal men in America.
Now, to say something concerning John Esquemeling, the first
author of this history. I take him to be a Dutchman, or at least
born in Flanders, notwithstanding that the Spanish translation
represents him to be native of the kingdom of France—his printing
8 TRANSLATOR TO THE READER
this history originally in Dutch, which doubtless must be his
native tongue, who otherwise was but an illiterate man, together
with the very sound of his name, convincing me thereunto. True
at is, he set sail from France, and was some years at Tortuga,
but neither of these two arguments, drawn from the history, are
prevalent. For, were he a Frenchman born, how came he to
learn the Dutch language so perfectly as to prefer it to his own—
especially that not being sboken at Tortuga nor Jamaica, where
he resided all the while ?
I hope I have made this English translation something more
plain and correct than the Spanish. Some few notorious faults,
either of the printer or of the interpreter, I am sure I have
vedressed. But, the Spanish translator complaining much of
the intricacy of style in the original (as flowing from a person
who, as hath been said, was no scholar) as he was pardonable,
being in great haste, for not rendering his own verston so distinct
and elaborate as he could desive—so must I be excused from the
one, that ts to say elegance, if I have cautiously declined the other,
I mean confusion.
OT og RY See
THE BUCCANEERS OF
AMERICA
PART
CHAPTER I
The author sets forth towards the Western Islands, in the service
of the West India Company of France. They meet with an
English frigate, and arrive at the island of Tortuga
“We set sail from Havre de Grace, in France, in a ship called
St John, the second day of May, in the year 1666. Our vessel
was equipped with eight-and-twenty guns, 20 mariners, and
220 passengers, including in this number those whom the
Company sent as free passengers, as being in their service.
Soon after we came to an anchor under the Cape of Barfleur,
there to join seven other ships of the same West India
Company, which were to come from Dieppe under the convoy
of a man-of-war, mounted with seven-and-thirty guns and
250 meny Of these ships two were bound for Senegal, five
for the Caribbee Islands, and ours for the island of Tortuga.
In the same place there gathered unto us about twenty sail
of other ships that were bound for Newfoundland, with some
Dutch vessels that were going for Nantes, Rochelle, and St
Martins ; so that in all we made a fleet of thirty sail. Here
we prepared to fight, putting ourselves into a convenient
posture of defence, as having notice that four English frigates,
of three-score guns each, did lie in wait for us about the Isle
of Ornay. Our admiral, the Chevalier Sourdis, having dis-
9
10 LHE AU LHOR SETS FORTH
tributed what orders he thought convenient, we set sail from
thence with a favourable gale of wind. “Presently after, some
mists arising, these totally impeded the English frigates from
discovering our fleet at sea. We steered our course as near
as we could under the coast of France for fear of the enemy.
As we sailed along, we met a vessel of Ostend, who complained
to our admiral that a French privateer had robbed him that
very morning. This complaint being heard, we endeavoured
to pursue the said pirate ; but our labour was in vain, as not
being able to overtake him.
Our fleet, as we went along, caused no small fears and alarms
to the inhabitants of the coasts of France, these judging us
to be English and that we sought some convenient place for
landing. To allay their frights, we used to hang out our
colours; but, notwithstanding, they would not trust us.
After this we came to an anchor in the Bay of Conquet, ro
Brittany, nigh unto the Isle of Ushant, there to take in water.
Having stored ourselves with fresh provisions at this place,
we prosecuted our voyage, designing to pass by the Ras of
Fonteneau and not expose ourselves to the Sorlingues, fearing
the English vessels that were cruising thereabouts to meet us.
This river Ras is of a current very strong and rapid, which,
rolling over many rocks, disgerges itself into the sea on the
coast of France, in the latitude of eight-and-forty degrees and
ten minutes. For which reason this passage is very dangerous,
all the rocks as yet being not thoroughly known.
4 Here I shall not omit to mention the ceremony which at this
passage, and some other places, is used by the mariners, and
by them called ‘ Baptism ’, although it may seem either little
to our purpose or of no use. The master’s mate clothed him-
self with a ridiculous sort of garment that reached unto his
feet, and on his head he put a suitable cap, which was made
very burlesque. In his right hand he placed a naked wooden
sword, and in his left a pot full of ink. His face was horribly
blacked with soot, and his neck adorned with a collar of many
little pieces of wood. Being thus apparelled, he commanded
to be called before him every one of them who never had passed
that dangerous place before. And then, causing them to kneel
down in his presence, he made the sign of the Cross upon their
foreheads with ink, and gave each one a stroke on the shoulders
with his wooden sword. Meanwhile the standers-by did cast
:
é
|
7
‘
4
‘4
CEREMONY OF THE DUTCH 11
a bucket of water upon every man’s head ; and this was the
conclusion of the ceremony, But, that being ended, every
one of the baptized is obliged to give a bottle of brandy for
his offering, placing it nigh the main-mast, and without
speaking a word, even those who have no such liquor being
not excused from this performance. In case the vessel never
passed that way before, the Captain is obliged to distribute
some wine among the mariners and other people in the ship.
But, as for other gifts which the newly baptized do frequently
offer, they are divided among the old seamen, and of them
they make a banquet among themselves.
The Hollanders likewise do use to baptize such as never
passed that way before. And not only at the passage above-
mentioned, but also at the rocks called Berlingues, near the
coast of Portugal, in the latitude of 39 degrees and 40 minutes, ~
as being a passage very dangerous, especially by night, when
through the obscurity thereof the rocks are not distinguish-
able, by reason the land is very high, they use some such
ceremony. But their manner of baptizing is quite distinct
from that which we have described above as performed by
the French. He, therefore, that is to be baptized is fastened,
and hoisted up three times at the main-yard’s end, as if he
were a criminal. If he be hoisted the fourth time, in the
name of the Prince of Orange or of the captain of the vessel,
his honour is more than ordinary. Thus they are dipped,
every one, several times into the main ocean. But he that is
the first dipped has the honour of being saluted with a gun.
Such as are not willing to fall are bound to pay twelve
pence for their ransom ; if he be an officer in the ship,
two shillings; and, if a passenger, according to his pleasure.
In case the ship never passed that way before, the captain
is bound to give a small runlet of wine, which, if he does not
perform, the mariners may cut off the stem of the vessel.
All the profit which accrues by this ceremony is kept by the
master’s mate, who, after reaching their port, doth usually
lay it out in wine, which is drunk amongst the ancient seamen.
Some will say this ceremony was instituted by the Emperor
Charles the Fifth ; howsoever, it is not found amongst his
Laws. But here I leave these customs of the sea, and shall
return to our voyage.
Having passed the river Ras, we met with very good weather
Iz ARRIVAL AT ISLAND OF TORTUGA
until we came to Cape Finisterre. Here a huge tempest of
wind surprised us, and separated our ship from the rest that
were in our company. This storm continued for the space of
eight days, in which time it would move compassion to see
how miserably the passengers were tumbled to and fro on all
sides of the ship ; insomuch as the mariners in the performance
of their duty were compelled to tread upon them everywhere.
This uncouthsome weather being spent, we had again the
use of very favourable gales until we came unto the Tropic
of Cancer. This Tropic is nothing else but an imaginary
circle which astrologers have invented in the heavens, and
serves as a period to the progress of the sun towards the North
Pole. It is placed in the latitude of 23 degrees and 30 minutes
under the line. Here we were baptized the second time,
after the same manner as before. The French do always
perform this ceremony at this Tropic, as also under the Tropic
of Capricorn, towards the South. In this part of the world
we had very favourable weather, at which we were infinitely
gladdened by reason of our great necessity of water. For
at this time that element was already so scarce with us that
we were stinted unto two half-pints per man every day.
Being about the latitude of Barbados, we met an English
frigate, or privateer, who first began to give us chase ; but,
finding himself not to exceed us in strength, did presently
steer away from us. This flight gave us occasion to pursue
the said frigate, as we did, shooting at him several guns of
eight-pound carriage. But at length he escaped, and we
returned to our course. Not long after, we came within sight
of the isle of Martinique. Our endeavours were bent towards
the coast of the Isle of St Peter. But these were frustrated
by reason of a storm which took us hereabouts. Hence we
resolved to steer to the island of Guadaloupe. Yet neither
this island could we reach by reason of the said storm, and
thus we directed our course to the isle of Tortuga, which was
the very same land we were bound unto. We passed along
the coast of the isle of Porto Rico, which is extremely deli-
cious and agreeable to the view, as being adorned with
beautiful trees and woods, even to the tops of the mountains.
After this, we discovered the island Hispaniola! (of which I
} The English corruption of Espaviola [‘‘ Little Spain ’’], the name
given by Columbus to the island of Haiti, discovered by him in 1492,
.
ARRIVAL AT ISLAND OF TORTUGA 13
shall give a description in this book), and we coasted about it
until we came unto the isle of Tortuga, our desired port.
Here we anchored the seventh day of July in the same year,
not having lost one man in the whole voyage. We unladed
the goods that belonged unto the Company of the West Indies,
and soon after the ship was sent to Cul de Sac with some
passengers.
whereon he established the first Spanish colony in the New World.
Subsequently it was neglected and became the prey of freebooters and
Buccaneers. In old Latin maps it is called Hispaniae Insula. Next to
Cuba, it is the largest of the West Indian islands. It was later divided
politically into the republics of Haiti and Santo Domingo, the latter
called after the city of that name.
CHAPTER. I
Description of the island of Tortuga: of the fruits and plants
there growing ; how the French settled there, at two several
times, and cast out the Spaniards, first masters thereof. The
author of this book was twice sold in the said island
THE island of Tortuga is situated on the North side of the
famous and great island called Hispaniola [Haiti], nigh unto
the continent thereof and in the latitude of twenty degrees
and thirty minutes. Its just extent is threescore leagues
about. The Spaniards, who gave name to this island, called
it so from the shape of the land, which in some manner resem-
bles a great sea-tortoise, called by them ¢oriuga de mar. The
country is very mountainous and full of rocks, yet, notwith-
standing, hugely thick of lofty trees that cease not to grow
upon the hardest of those rocks without partaking of a softer
soil. Hence it comes that their roots, for the greatest part,
are seen all over entangled among the rocks, not unlike unto
the branching of ivy against our walls. That part of this
island which stretches towards the North is totally disin-
habited. The reason is, first, because it has proved to be very
incommodious and unhealthy, and, secondly, for the rugged-
ness of the coast, that gives no access to the shore, unless
among rocks almost inaccessible. For this cause it is
populated only on the Southern part, which has only one
port that may be esteemed indifferently good. Yet this
harbour has two several entries, or channels, which afford
passage unto ships of 70 guns, the port itself being without
danger and capable of receiving a great number of vessels.
That part which is inhabited is divided into four other parts,
of which the first is called the Low-Land, or Low-Country.
This is the chiefest among the rest, because it contains the
aforesaid port. The town is called Cayona, and here do live
14
—
OO OE EE =<
THE ISLAND OF TORTUGA 15
the chief and richest planters of the island. The second
part is called the Middle Plantation. Its territory, or soil,
is hitherto almost new, as being only known to be good for
the culture of tobacco. The third is named Ringot. These
places are situated towards the Western part of the island,
The fourth, and last, is called The Mountain, in which place
were made the first plantations that were cultivated upon
this island.
As to the wood that grows on the island, we have already
said that the trees are exceedingly tall and pleasing to the
sight ; whence no man will doubt but they may be applied
unto several uses with great benefit. Such is the Yellow
Saunder, which tree by the inhabitants of this country is
called bois de chandelle, or in English Candlewood, because
it burns like a candle, and serves them with light while they
use their fishery in the night. Here also grows lignum
sanctum, by others called guaiacum, the virtues of which are
very well known, more especially unto them who observe
not the sixth Commandment and are given to all manner
of impure copulations, physicians drawing from hence, under
several compositions, the greatest antidote for all venereal
diseases, as also for cold and vicious humours. The trees
likewise that afford gummi elemi grow here in great abundance,
and in like manner radix Chine, or China root!; yet this is
not so good as that which comes from other parts of the
Western world. It is very white and soft, and serves for
pleasant food unto the wild-boars when they can find nothing
else. This island also is not deficient in aloes, nor an infinite
number of other medicinal herbs, which may please the
curiosity of such as are given to their contemplation.
Moreover for the building of ships, or any other sort of
architecture, here are found, in this spot of Neptune, several
sorts of timber very convenient. The fruits, likewise, which
here abundantly grow, are nothing inferior, as to their
quantity or quality, unto what the adjacent islands pro-
duced. I shall name only some of the most ordinary
and common. Such are magniot?, potatoes, acajou apples’,
1 See note 2 on p. 31.
2 Obsolete form of manioc, the cassava plant (genus Manihot) : cf.
Brooke’s transl. of Le Blanc’s Travels [1660], p. 399: ‘‘ Mandioc a root
is their chiefest diet, whereof they make flower [flour].”’
_* The cashew-nut tree (anacardium occidentale). Cf. J. Van
Linschoten, Voyages [1598], Bk. ii, p. 251: ‘‘ There is an other tree in
16 THE ISLAND OF TORTUGA
yannas!, bacones, paquayes, carosoles, mamayns?, ananas?,
and diverse other sorts, which, not to be tedious, I omit
to specify. Here grow likewise in huge number those trees
called palmettos, or palmites*, whence is drawn a certain
juice which serves the inhabitants instead of wine, and whose
leaves do cover their houses instead of tiles.
In this island abounds also, with daily increase, the wild-
boar. The Governor has prohibited the hunting of them with
dogs, fearing lest, the island being but small, the whole race
of those animals in short time should be destroyed. The
reason why he thought convenient to preserve those wild-
beasts was that in case of any invasion of an external enemy
the inhabitants might sustain themselves with their food,
especially if they were constrained to retire unto the woods
and mountains. By this means he judged they were enabled
to maintain any sudden assault or long persecution. Yet this
sort of game is almost impeded by itself, by reason of the
many rocks and precipices, which for the greatest part are
covered with little shrubs, very green and thick, whence the
huntsmen have ofttimes precipitated themselves, and left
us the sad experience and grief of many memorable disasters.
At a certain time of the year there resort unto this island
of Tortuga huge flocks of wild-pigeons, at which season
the inhabitants feed on them very plentifully, having more
than they can consume, and leaving totally to their repose
all other sorts of fowl, both wild and tame, to the intent that
in absence of the pigeons these may supply their place. But
as nothing in the universe, though never so pleasant, can be
found but what has something of bitterness joined to it, the
bignesse like a sorben, the fruit whereof is by them called Aca-iou, of
forme and greatness like a hennes egge, which being ripe is of a golde
yellow colour like a quince, very good and savory to eate, having a
certayne sharpe taste, and in it a juice that cooleth heate.”’
1 Yams. Span.viame: other English forms are (1) nname: cf. Men-
doza, Hist. of China, trans. by Parke [1589], vol. ii, p. 256 of 1854
edn.: ‘“‘nnames, patatas, fish, rise, ginger, hennes; (2) jamb: cf.
Bosman, Guinea, transl. 1705: ‘‘ Their common food is a pot full of
millet . . . or instead of that jambs and potatoes.”
* Mammees (Mammea americana), a large tree of tropical America,
bearing a large fruit with a yellow pulp of pleasant taste.
3 Pine-apples. Cf. Hakluyt, Voyages [1600], vol. iii, p. 319: “a
fruite of great excellencie which they call ananas.’’ According to
Evelyn’s Diary, 19 July, 1661, ananassa sativa was first seen in England
in 1657.
* Spanish palmito, the dwarf fan-palm.
THE FRENCH IN ST CHRISTOPHER 17
very symbol of this truth we see in the aforesaid pigeons.
For these, the season being past wherein God has appointed
them to afford delicious food unto those people, can scarcely
be touched with the tongue, they become so extremely lean
and bitter even to admiration. The reason of this bitterness
is attributed unto a certain seed which they eat about that
time, even as bitter as gall. About the sea-shores every-
where are found great multitudes of crabs belonging both to
the land and sea, and both sorts very big. These are good to
feed servants and slaves!, who find them very pleasing to the
palate, yet withal very hurtful to the sight. Besides which
symptom, being eaten too often, they also cause great giddi-
ness in the head, with much weakness of the brain, insomuch
_ that very frequently they are deprived of sight for the space
_ of one quarter of an hour.
The French, having established themselves in the isle of
St Christopher, planted there a sort of trees, of which at
present there possibly may be greater quantities. With
the timber of those trees they made long-boats and hoys?,
which they sent thence westward, being well manned and
victualled, to discover other islands. These, setting sail from
St Christopher, came within sight of the island of Hispaniola,
where at length they arrived with abundance of joy. Having
landed, they marched into the country, where they found
huge quantities of cattle, such as cows, bulls, horses, and wild-
boars. But finding no great profit in those animals unless
they could enclose them, and knowing likewise the island to
be pretty well peopled by the Spaniards, they thought it
convenient to enterprize upon and seize the island of Tortuga.
This they performed without any difficulty, there being upon
the island no more than ten or twelve Spaniards to guard it.
These few men let the French come in peaceably and _ possess
the island for the space of six months, without any trouble.
In the meanwhile they passed and repassed with their canoes
to Hispaniola, whence they transported many people, and at
last began to plant the whole isle of Tortuga. The few
1 Some of the land-crabs of the West Indies are to-day regarded as
delicacies—especially the violet land-crab.
2 Dutch heude, heu, a small, yet heavy, coasting-vessel for goods or
passengers, particularly in short distances at the sea-coast. Cf. Hakluyt,
oveees, vol. i, p. 160 [1598]: ‘‘ English pinasses, hoyes, and drum-
ers.”
Cc
18 THE FRENCH IN TORTUGA
Spaniards remaining there, perceiving the French to increase
their number daily, began at last to repine at their prosperity
and grudged them the possession they had freely given.
Hence they gave notice to others of their own nation, their
neighbours, who sent several great boats, well armed and
manned, to dispossess the French of that island. This
expedition succeeded according to their desires. For the
new possessors, seeing the great number of Spaniards that
came against them, fled with all they had unto the woods ;
and hence by night they wafted over with canoes unto the
isle of Hispaniola. This they more easily performed as having
no women or children with them, nor any great substance to
carry away. Here they also retired into the woods, both to
seek themselves food, and thence with secrecy to give
intelligence to others of their own faction, as judging for cer-
tain that within a little while they should be in a capacity
to hinder the Spaniards from fortifying in Tortuga.
Meanwhile the Spaniards of the greater island ceased not
to seek after their new guests, the French, with intent to root
them out of the woods, if possible, or cause them to perish
with hunger. But this their design soon failed, having found
that the French were masters both of good guns, powder, and
bullets. Here, therefore, the fugitives waited for a certain
opportunity, wherein they knew the Spaniards were to come
from Tortuga, with arms and great number of men, to join
with those of the greater island for their destruction. When
this occasion proffered, they in the meanwhile deserting the
woods where they were, returned unto Tortuga, and dis-
possessed the small number of Spaniards that remained
at home. Having so done, they fortified themselves as best
they could, thereby to prevent the return of the Spaniards,
in case they should attempt it. Moreover, they sent
immediately unto the Governor of St Christopher, craving
his aid and relief, and demanding of him to send them a
Governor, the better to be united among themselves and
strengthened on all occasions. The Governor of St
Christopher received their petition with expressions of much
satisfaction and without any delay sent to them Monsieur le
Passeur in quality of a Governor, together with a ship full of
men and all other things necessary both for their establishment
and defence. No sooner had they received this recruit than
-
i
F
™ i a el
THE SPANIARDS ATTACK TORTUGA 19
the Governor commanded a fortress to be built upon the top
of a high rock, whence he could hinder the access of any ships
or other vessels that should design to enter the port. Unto
this fort no other access could be had than by almost climbing
through a very narrow passage that was capable only of
receiving two persons at once, and those not without
difficulty. In the middle of this rock was a great cavity,
which now serves for a storehouse ; and, besides, here was
a great convenience for raising a battery. The fort being
finished, the Governor commanded two guns to be mounted,
which could not be performed without huge toil and labour,
as also a house to be built within the fort ; and, afterwards,
the narrow way that led unto the said fort to be broken and
demolished, leaving no other ascent thereto than by a ladder.
Within the fort gushes out a plentiful fountain of fresh water,
which perpetually runs with a pure and crystalline stream
sufficient to refresh a garrison of a thousand men. Being
possessed of these conveniences, and the security these things
might promise, the French began to people the island, and
each of them to seek his living, some by the exercise of
hunting, others by planting tobacco, and others by cruising
and robbing upon the coasts of the Spanish islands—which
trade is continued by them to this day.
The Spaniards, notwithstanding, could not behold but
with jealous eyes the daily increase of the French in Tortuga,
fearing lest in time they might by them be dispossessed also
of Hispaniola. Thus, taking an opportunity when many of
the French were abroad at sea and others employed in hunting,
with 800 men in several canoes, they landed again in Tortuga,
almost without being perceived by the French. But, finding
that the “Governor had cut down many trees, for the better
discovery of an enemy in case of any assault, as also that
nothing of consequence could be done without great guns,
they consulted about the fittest place for raising a battery.
This place was soon concluded to be the top of a mountain
which was in sight, seeing that thence alone they could level
their guns at the fort, which now lay open to them since the
cutting down of the trees by the new possessors. Hence
they resolved to open a way for carriage of some pieces of
ordnance to the top. This mountain is somewhat high, and
the upper part thereof plain, from whence the whole island
20-PTIE SPANIARDS ATTACK TORTUGA
may be viewed. The sides thereof are very rugged by
reason of an huge number of inaccessible rocks surrounding it
everywhere ; so that the ascent was very difficult, and would
always have been the same, had not the Spaniards undergone
the immense labour and toil of making the way aforemen-
tioned, as I shall now relate.
The Spaniards had in their company many slaves and
Indians, labouring men, whom they call mazates, or, in English,
half-yellow men. Unto these they gave orders with iron
tools to dig a way through the rocks. This they performed
with the greatest speed imaginable. And through this way
by the help of many ropes and pulleys, they at last made shift
to get up two sole cannon-pieces, wherewith they made a
battery, and intended next day to batter the fort. Mean-
while the French were not ignorant of these designs, but
rather prepared themselves for a defence (while the Spaniards
were busied about the battery), sending notice everywhere to
their companions and requiring their help. Thus the hunters
of the island all joined together, and with them all the pirates
who were not already too far from home. These landed by
night at Tortuga, lest they should be seen by the Spaniards.
And, under the same obscurity of the night, they all together
by a back way climbed up the mountain where the Spaniards
were posted ; which they more easily could perform as being
acquainted with those rocks. They came thither at the very
instant that the Spaniards, who were above, were preparing
to shoot at the fort, not knowing in the least of their coming. |
Here they set upon them, at their backs, with such fury as
forced the greatest part to precipitate themselves from the
top to the bottom, and dash their bodies in pieces. Few or
none escaped this attack, for if any remained alive they were
all put to the sword, without giving quarter to the meanest.
Some Spaniards did still keep the bottom of the mountain,
but, hearing the shrieks and cries of them that were killed and
believing some tragical revolution to be above, fled immediately
towards the sea, despairing, through this accident, to ever
regain the isle of Tortuga.
¢“ The Governors of this island did always behave themselves
as proprietors and absolute lords thereof until the year 1664 ;
at which time the West India Company of France took
possession thereof, and sent thither for their Governor
Fe ein.” raw,
THE SPANIARDS ATTACK TORTUGA 21
Monsieur Ogeron. These planted the colony for themselves,
by the means of their factors and servants, thinking to drive
some considerable trade thence with the Spaniards, even as
the Hollanders do from Curagoa. But this design did not
answer their expectation. For with other nations they could
drive no trade, by reason they could not establish any secure
commerce from the beginning with their own. Forasmuch
as at the first institution of this Company in France, they
made an agreement with the pirates, hunters, and planters,
first possessors of Tortuga, that these should buy all their
necessaries from the said Company, taking them upon trust.
And, although this agreement was put in execution, yet the
factors of the Company soon after found that they could not
recover either moneys or returns from those people.
Insomuch as they were constrained to bring some armed
men into the island, in behalf of the Company, for to get in
some of their payments. But neither this endeavour nor
any other could prevail towards settling the secure trade with
those of the island. And hereupon the Company recalled
their factors, giving them orders to sell all that was their own
in the said plantation, both the servants belonging to the
Company (which were sold, some for 20, others for 30, pieces-
of-eight)!, as also all other merchandizes and properties which
they had there. With this resolution all their designs fell to
the ground.
In this occasion I was also sold, as being a servant under the
said Company, in whose service I came out of France.y But
my fortune was very bad, for I fell into the hands of the most
cruel tyrant and perfidious man that ever was born of woman,
who was then Governor, or rather Lieutenant-General, of that
island. This man treated me with all the hard usages
imaginable, yea, with that of hunger, with which I thought to
have perished inevitably. Withal he was willing to let me
buy my freedom and liberty, but not under the rate of
300 pieces-of-eight, I not being master of one, at that
time, in the whole world. At last through the manifold
miseries I endured, as also affliction of mind, I was thrown
into a dangerous fit of sickness. This misfortune, being
added to the rest of my calamities, was the cause of my
happiness. For my wicked master, seeing my condition,
began to fear lest he should lose his moneys with my life.
"1 See note on p. 60.
22 JAE AUTHOR SOLD INTO SLAVERY
Hereupon he sold me the second time to a surgeon for the
price of 70 pieces-of-eight. Being in the hands of this second
master, I began soon after to recover my health through the
good usage I had received from him, as being much more
humane and civil than that of my first patron. He gave me
both clothes and very good food, and after that I had served
him but one year he offered me my liberty, with only this
condition, that I should pay him 100 pieces-of-eight when I
was in a capacity of wealth so to do.. Which kind proposal
of his I could not choose but accept with infinite joy and
gratitude of mind.
Being now at liberty, though like unto Adam when he was
first created by the hands of his Maker—that is, naked and
destitute of all human necessaries, nor knowing how to get
my living—I determined to enter into the wicked order of the
Pirates, or Robbers at Sea. Into this Society I was received
with common consent both of the superior and vulgar sort,
and among them I continued until the year 1672. Having
assisted them in all their designs and attempts, and served
them in many notable exploits, of which hereafter I shall give
the reader a true account, I returned to my own native country.
But, before I begin to relate the things above-mentioned, I
shall say something, for the satisfaction of such as are curious,
of the island Hispaniola, which lies towards the Western parts
of America, as also give my reader a brief description thereof,
according to my slender ability and experience.
CHAPTER III
Description of the great and famous island of Hispaniola
THE very large and rich island called Hispaniola lies situate
in the latitude of seventeen degrees and a half. The greatest
part thereof extends, from East to West, 20 degrees Southern
latitude. The circumference is 300 leagues, the length 120, its
breadth almost 50, being more or less broad or narrow at
certain places. I shall not need here to insert how this island
was at first discovered, it being known unto the world that it
was performed by the means of Christopher Columbus, in the
year 1492, being sent for this purpose by Ferdinand the
Catholic, then King of Spain. From which time, to this
present, the Spaniards have been continually possessors
thereof. There are upon this island many very good and
23
24 THE ISLAND OF HISPANIOLA
strong cities, towns, and hamlets ; as also it abounds in a great
number of pleasant and delicious country-houses and planta-
tions—all which are owing unto the care and industry of the
Spaniards, its inhabitants.
The chief city and metropolis of this island is called San
Domingo, being dedicated to St Dominic, from whom it
derives this name. It is situated towards the South, in a
place which affords a most excellent prospect, the country
round about being embellished with innumerable rich
plantations, as also verdant meadows and fruitful gardens—
all which do produce plenty and variety of excellent and
pleasant fruits, according to the nature of those countries.
The Governor of the island makes his residence in this city,
which is, as it were, the storehouse of all the other cities, towns,
and villages, which hence export and provide themselves with
all necessaries whatsoever for human life. And yet has it
this particularity above many other cities in other places, that
it entertains no external commerce with any other nation
than its own, the Spaniards. The greatest part of the inhabi-
tants are rich and substantial merchants, or such as are shop-
keepers and do sell by retail.
Another city of this island is named Santiago, or, in English,
St James, as being consecrated to the Apostle of that name.
This is an open place, without either walls or castle, situate
in the latitude of 19 degrees South. The greatest part of the
inhabitants are hunters and planters, the adjacent territory
and soil being very proper for the said exercises of its constitu-
tion. The city is surrounded with large and delicious fields,
as much pleasing to the view as those of San Domingo ; and
these abound with all sorts of beasts, both wild and tame,
whence are taken a huge number of skins and hides, that
afford unto the owners a very considerable traffic.
Towards the Southern parts of this island is seen another
city called Nuestra Sefiora del Alta Gracia. The territory
hereof produces great quantities of cacao, which occasions
the inhabitants to make great store of the richest sort of
chocolate. Here grows also much ginger and tobacco; and
much tallow is prepared of the beasts which hereabouts are
hunted.
} The inhabitants of this beautiful island of Hispaniola often
go and come in their canoes to the Isle of Savona, not far
THE ISLAND OF HISPANIOLA 25
distant thence, where is their chief fishery, expecially of
tortoises. Hither those fish constantly resort in huge
multitudes at certain seasons of the year, there to lay their
eggs, burying them in the sands of the shore. Thus by the
heat of the sun, which in those parts is very ardent, they are
hatched, and continue the propagation of their species.
This island of Savona has little or nothing that is worthy
consideration or may merit any particular description, as
being so extremely barren by reason of its sandy soil. True
it is that here grows some small quantity of lignum’ sanctum
or guaiacum, of whose use we have said something in another
place.
Westwards of the city of San Domingo is also situated
another great village, called by the name of El Pueblo del Aso,
or the Town of Aso. The inhabitants of this town drive a
great commerce and traffic with those of another village,
which is placed in the very middle of the island and is called
San Juan de Goave, or St John of Goave. This place is
environed with a magnificent prospect of gardens, woods, and
meadows. Its territory extends above twenty leagues in
length, and grazes an huge number of wild bulls and cows.
In this village scarce dwell any others than hunters and
butchers, who flay the beasts that are killed. These are for
the most part a mongrel sort of people of several bloods ;
some of which are born of white European people and negroes,
and these are called mulattos. Others are born of Indians
and white people, and such are termed mestizos!. But others
are begotten of negroes and Indians, and these also have their
peculiar name, being called alcatraces*. Besides which sorts
of people, there are several other species and races, both here
and in other places of the West Indies, of whom this account
may be given, that the Spaniards love better the negro women,
in those Western parts, or the tawny Indian females, than their
own white European race, when as peradventure the negroes
1 Cf. Hakluyt, Voyages [1600], vol. iii, p. 482: ‘‘ Paul Horsewell is
married to a Mestisa, as they name those whose fathers were Spaniards,
and their mothers Indians.”’
2 A nickname. ‘ The alcatrace is a sea-fowle different to all that I
have seen, either on the land or in the see. His head is like to the head
of a gull, but his bill like unto a snytes bill, somewhat shorter and in all
places alike. . . . He is all blacke of the colour of a crow.’’—Hawkins,
Voyage into the South Sea [1593-1622], § xix (p. 153 of the 1878 edition).
26 THE ISLAND OF HISPANIOLA
and Indians have greater inclinations to the white women, or
those that come near them, the tawny, than theirown. From
the said village are exported yearly vast quantities of tallow
and hides, they exercising no other traffic nor toil. For, as
to the lands in this place, they are not cultivated, by reason of
the excessive dryness of the soil. / These are the chiefest places
that the Spaniards possess in this island, from the Cape of
Lobos towards St John de Goave unto the Cape of Samana,
nigh the sea, on the North side, and from the Eastern part
- towards the sea, called Punta d’Espada. All the rest of the
island is possessed by the French, who are also planters and
huntersg
This island has very good ports for ships, from the Cape of
Lobos to the Cape of Tiburon, which lies on the Western side
thereof. In this space of land there are no less than four ports,
which exceed in goodness, largeness, and security even the
very best of England. Besides these, from the Cape of
Tiburon unto the Cape of Donna Maria, there are two very
excellent ports, and from this Cape to the Cape of St
Nicholas there are no less than twelve others. Every one of
these ports has also the confluence of two or three good rivers,
in which are found several sorts of fish, very pleasing to the
palate and also in great plenty. The country hereabouts is
su ficiently watered with large and profound rivers and brooks
so that this part of the land may easily be cultivated without
any great fear of droughts, it being certain that better streams
are not to be found in any part of the world. The sea-coasts
and shores are also very pleasant, unto which the tortoises
resort in huge numbers, there to lay their eggs.
This island was formerly very well peopled on the North
side thereof with many towns and villages ; but these, being
ruined by the Hollanders, were at last for the greatest part
deserted by the Spaniards.
a Ly
CHAPTER IV
Of the Fruits, Trees, and Animals that are found at Hispaniola
THE spacious fields of this island do commonly extend them-
s2lves to the length of five or six leagues, the beauty whereof
is so pleasing to the eye that, together with the great variety
of their natural productions, they infinitely applaud and
captivate the senses of the contemplator. For here at once
they not only, with diversity of objects, recreate the sight,
but, with many of the same, also do please the smell, and, with
most, contribute abundance of delights to the taste. With
sundry diversities also they flatter and excite the appetite ;
but more especially with the multitude of oranges and lemons,
here growing both sweet and sour, and those that participate
of both tastes and are only pleasantly tart. Besides which,
here abundantly grow several other sorts of the same fruit,
such as are called citrons, toronjas, and limes, in English not
improperly called crab-lemons. True it is that, as to the
lemons, they exceed not here the bigness of a hen’s egg,
which smallness distinguishes them from those of Spain most
frequently used in these our Northern countries. The date-
trees, which here are seen to cover the whole extent of very
spacious plains, are exceedingly tall in their proportion, which
notwithstanding does not offend but rather delight the view.
Their height is observed to be from 150 to 200 feet, being
wholly destitute of branches unto the very tops. Here it is
there grows a certain pleasant white substance not unlike
unto that of white cabbage, whence the branches and leaves do
sprout, and in which also the seed or dates are contained.
Every month one of those branches falls to the ground, and
at the same time another sprouts out. But the seed ripens
not but once in the year. The dates are food extremely
coveted by the hedgehogs. The white substance growing
27
28 TREES OF HISPANIOLA.
at the top of the tree is used by the Spaniards after the same
manner for common sustenance as cabbage in Europe, they
cutting it into slices, and boiling it in their ol/as!, with all sorts
of meat. The leaves of this sort of date-tree are seven or
eight foot in length and three or four in breadth, being very
fit to cover houses with. For they defend from rain equally
with the best tiles, though never so rudely huddled together.
They make use of them also to wrap up smoked flesh with,
and to make a certain sort of buckets wherewith to carry
water, though no longer durable than the space of six, seven,
or eight days. The cabbages of these trees, for so we may
call them, are of a greenish colour on the outside, though
inwardly very white, whence may be separated a sort of rind,
which is very like unto parchment, being fit to write upon as
we do upon paper. The bodies of these trees are of an huge
bulk or thickness, which two men can hardly compass with their
arms. And yet they cannot properly be termed woody, but
only three or four inches deep in thickness, all the rest of the
internal part being very soft, insomuch that, paring off those
three or four inches of woody substance, the remaining part of
the body may be sliced like new cheese. They wound them three
or four foot above the root, and, making an incision or broach
in the body, thence gently distils a sort of liquor, which in
short time by fermentation becomes as strong as the richest
wine, and which does easily inebriate if not used with modera-
tion. The French call this sort of palm-trees ‘ frank-palms,’
and they only grow, both here and elsewhere, in saltish
grounds.
Besides these palm-trees of which we have made mention,
there are also in Hispaniola four other species of palms, which
are distinguished by the names of latanier, palma espinosa or
prickle-palm, palma dé chapelet or rosary-palm, palma vinosa
or wine-palm. The latanier-palm is not so tall as the wine-
palm, although it has almost the same shape, only that the
leaves are very like unto the fans our women use. They grow
mostly in gravelly and sandy ground, their circumference being
of seven foot more or less. The body has many prickles or
1 A Spanish word, meaning a round earthen pot, a dish compounded
of various kinds of meat and vegetables. Cf. Howell, Letters [1630], V,
38: ‘‘ Hecan marinat [marinade = pickle] fish, make gellies . . . besides,
he is passing good for an ollia.”’
TREES OF HISPANIOLA 29
thorns of the length of half a foot, very sharp and pungent.
It produces its seed after the same manner as that above-
mentioned, which likewise serves for food unto the wild beasts.
Another sort of these palm-trees is called prickle-palm,
as we said before, by reason it is infinitely full of prickles,
from the root to the very leaves thereof, much more than the
precedent. With these prickles some of the barbarous
Indians use to torment their prisoners of war whom they take
in battle. They tie them to a tree, and then, taking these
thorns, they put them into little pellets of cotton, which they
dip in oil, and thus stick them in the sides of the miserable
prisoners, as thick as the bristles of a hedgehog; which
of necessity cause an incredible torment to the patient.
Afterwards they set them on fire, and, if the tormented
prisoner sings in the midst of his torments and flames, he is
esteemed as a valiant and courageous soldier who neither fears
his enemies nor their torments. But if, on the contrary he
cries out, they esteem him but as a poltroon or coward and
unworthy of any memory. This custom was told me by an
Indian, who said he had used his enemies thus oftentimes.
The like cruelties to these many Christians have seen while
they lived among those barbarians. But returning unto the
prickle-palm, I shall only tell you that this palm-tree is in
this only different from the latanier, that the leaves are like
unto those of the frank-palm. Its seed is like unto that of
the other palm-trees, being only much bigger and rounder,
almost as a farthing, and inwardly full of little kernels, which
are as pleasing to the taste as our walnuts in Europe. This
tree grows for the most part in the marshes and low grounds
of the sea-coast.
The wine-palm is so called from the abundance of wine
which is gathered from it. This palm grows in high and rocky
mountains, not exceeding in tallness the height of 40 or 50
foot, but yet of an extraordinary shape or form. For, from
the root unto the half of its proportion, it is only three or four
inches thick. But, upwards, something above the two-thirds
of its height, it is as big and as thick as an ordinary bucket or
milk-pail. Within, it is full of a certain matter very like unto
the tender stalk of a white cabbage, which is very juicy of a
liquor that is much pleasing to the palate. This liquor after
fermentation and settling of the grounds reduces itself into
30 TREES OF HISPANIOLA
a very good and clear wine, which is purchased! with no great
industry. For, having wounded the tree with an ordinary
hatchet, they make a square incision or orifice in it, through
which they bruise the said matter until it be capable of being
squeezed out, or expressed with the hands, they needing no
other instrument than this. With the leaves they make
certain vessels, not only to settle and purify the afore-
mentioned liquor, but also to drink in. It bears its fruit like
other palms, but of a very small shape, being not unlike
cherries. The taste hereof is very good, but of dangerous
consequence unto the throat, where it causes huge and extreme
pains, that produce malignant quinsies in them that eat it.
The palma a chapelet, or rosary-palm, was thus called both
by the French and Spaniards because its seed is very fit to
make rosaries or beads to say prayers upon, the beads being
small, hard, and capable of being easily bored for that use.
This fourth species grows on the tops of the highest mountains,
and is of an excessive tallness, but withal very straight and
adorned with very few leaves.
Here grows also in this island a certain sort of apricot-trees,
whose fruit equals in bigness that of our ordinary melons.
The colour is like unto ashes, and the taste the very same as
that of our apricots in Europe, the inward stones of this fruit
being of the bigness of a hen’s egg. On these the wild-boars
feed very deliciously, and fatten even to admiration.
The trees called caremites are very like unto our pear-trees,
whose fruits resemble much our Damascene plums or
pruants? of Europe, being of a very pleasant and agreeable
taste and almost as sweet as milk. This fruit is black on the
inside, and the kernels thereof, sometimes only two in number,
sometimes three, others five, of the bigness of a lupin. This
plum affords no less pleasant food to the wild-boars than the
apricots above-mentioned, only that it is not so commonly to
be found upon the island, nor in such quantity as those are.
The genipa-trees are seen everywhere all over this island,
being very like unto our cherry-trees, although its branches
are more dilated. The fruit hereof is of an ash-colour, of
the bigness of two fists, which interiorly is full of many
1 See note on p. 67.
2 Prunes: cf. Elyot, Castel of Helthe [1533], Bk. ii, p. 27: ‘‘ The
damask prune rather bindeth than lowseth, and is more commodious
vnto the stomake.”’
Oe ae ot .
te es
TREES OF HISPANIOLA 31
prickles or points that are involved under a thin membrane
or skin, the which, if not taken away at the time of eating,
causes great obstructions and gripings of the belly. Before
this fruit grows ripe, if pressed, it affords a juice as black as
ink, being fit to write withal upon paper. But the letters
disappear within the space of nine days, the paper remaining
as white as if it never had been written upon. The wood of
this tree is very strong, solid, and hard, good to build ships
withal, seeing it is observed to last many years in the water
without putrefaction.
Besides these, divers other sorts of trees are natives of this
delicious island, that produce very excellent and pleasant
fruits. Of these I shall omit to name several, knowing there
are entire volumes of learned authors that have both described
and searched them with greater attention and curiosity than
my own. Notwithstanding, I shall continue to make mention
of some few more in particular. Such are the cedars, which
trees this part of the world produces in prodigious quantity.
The French nation calls them acajou! ; and they find them
very useful for the building of ships and canoes. These
canoes are like little wherry-boats, being made of one tree
only, excavated, and fitted for the sea. They are withal so
swift as for that very property they may be called ‘ Neptune’s
post-horses!. The Indians make these canoes without the
use of any iron instruments, by only burning the trees at the
bottom nigh the root, and afterwards governing the fire with
such industry as nothing is burnt more than what they would
have. Some of them have hatchets made of flint, wherewith
they scrape, or pare off, whatsoever was burnt too far. And
thus, by the sole instrument of fire, they know how to give
them that shape which renders them capable of navigating
threescore or fourscore leagues with ordinary security.
As to medicinal productions, here is to be found the tree
that affords the gum elemi used in our apothecaries’ shops.
Likewise guaiacum, or lignum sanctum ; lignum aloes, or aloe-
wood ; cassia lignea ,; China-roots?; with several others. The
1 The French acajou is mahogany—loosely used here for cedar.
* The name of the tuber of various species of smilax, allied to
sarsaparilla, at one time used to relieve gout and to purify the blood.
Cf. ‘‘ The tree likewise that affords Gummi Elemi grows here in great
abundance ; as doth Radix China, or China-root.’’—Description of the
Isthmus of Darien [1699], p. 4.
39 TREES OF HISPANIOLA
tree called mapou, besides that it is medicinal, is also used for
making of canoes, as being very thick ; yet is it much inferior
to the acajou or cedar, as being somewhat spongy, whereby it
sucks in much water, which renders it dangerous in navigation.
The tree called acoma has its wood very hard and heavy, of
the colour of palm. These qualities render it very fit to make
oars for the sugar-mills. Here are also in great quantities
brasilete, or brazil-wood, and that which the Spaniards call
mancanilla.
Brazil-wood is now very well known in the provinces of
Holland and the Low Countries. By another name it is called
by the Spaniards lenna de peje palo. It serves only, or chiefly,
for dyeing and what belongs to that trade. It grows abun-
dantly along the sea-coasts of this island, especially in two
places called Jacmel and Jaquina. These are two com-
modious ports or bays, capable of receiving ships of the
greatest bulk.
The tree called mancanilla, or dwarf apple-tree, grows
nigh unto the sea-shore, being naturally so low that its
branches, though never so short, always touch the water.
It bears a fruit something like unto our sweet-scented apples
which, notwithstanding, is of a very venomous quality. For,
these apples being eaten by any person, he instantly changes
colour, and such an huge thirst seizes him as all the water of
the Thames cannot extinguish, he dying raving mad within a
little while after. But, what is more, the fish that eat, as it
often happens, of this fruit are also poisonous. This tree
affords also a liquor, both thick and white, like unto the fig-tree,
which, if touched by the hand, raises blisters upon the skin,
and these are so red in colour as if it had been deeply scalded
with hot water. One day being hugely tormented with
mosquitos, or gnats, and as yet unacquainted with the nature
of this tree, I cut a branch thereof, to serve me instead of a
fan, but all my face swelled the next day and filled with
blisters, as if it were burnt to such a degree that I was blind
for three days.
Ycao is the name of another sort of tree, so called by the
Spaniards, which grows by the sides of rivers. This bears
a certain fruit, not unlike unto our bullace or damson-plums.
And this food is extremely coveted by the wild-boar, when at
its perfect maturity ; with which they fatten as much as our
TREES OF HISPANIOLA 33
__ hogs with the sweetest acorns of Spain. These trees love
_ sandy ground, yet are so low that, their branches being very
large, they take up a great circumference, almost couched
upon the ground. The trees named abelcoses bear fruit of
like colour with the ycaos above-mentioned, but of the bigness
__ of melons, the seeds or kernels being as big as eggs. The
_ substance of this fruit is yellow, and of a pleasant taste ;
__ which the poorest among the French do eat instead of bread,
the wild-boar not caring at all for this fruit. These trees
grow very tall and thick, being somewhat like unto our
largest sort of pear-trees.
As to the insects which this island produces, I shall only
take notice of three sorts of flies, which excessively torment
all human bodies, but more especially such as never before,
or but a little while, were acquainted with these countries.
The first sort of these flies is as big as our common horse-flies
in Europe. And these, darting themselves upon men’s bodies,
there stick and suck their blood till they can no longer fly.
Their importunity obliges to make almost continual use of
__ branches of trees wherewith to fan them away. The Spaniards
in those parts call them mosquitos! or gnats, but the French
give them the name of maranguines. The second sort of these
insects is no bigger than a grain of sand. These make no
__ buzzing noise, as the preceding species does, for which reason it
is less avoidable, as being able also through its smallness to
penetrate the finest linen or cloth. The hunters are forced to
anoint their faces with hog’s-grease, thereby to defend them-
selves from the stings of these little animals. By night, in
their huts or cottages, they constantly for the same purpose
burn the leaves of tobacco, without which smoke they were not
able to rest. True it is that in the daytime they are not very
troublesome, in case any wind be stirring, for this, though
never so little, causes them to dissipate. The gnats of the
third species exceed not the bigness of a grain of mustard.
The colour is red*. These sting not at all, but do bite so
sharply upon the flesh as to create little ulcers therein.
_ Whence it often comes that the face swells and is rendered
hideous to the view, through this inconvenience. These are
1 Bosman, in his Guinea [transl. 1705], refers to ‘‘ the innumerable
_ millions of gnats, which the Portuguese call musquito’s '’—Letter xxi.
* The béte rouge, to this day a pest in the West Indies.
D
34 INSECTS OF HISPANIOLA
chiefly troublesome by day, even from the beginning of the
morning until sun-setting, after which time they take up
their rest, and permit human bodies to do the same. The
Spaniards gave these insects the name of vojados, and the
French that of calarodes.
The insects which the Spaniards call cochinillas, and the
English glow-worms, are also to be found in these parts.
These are very like unto such as we have in Europe, unless
that they are somewhat bigger and longer than ours. They
have two little specks on their heads, which by night give so
much light that three or four of those animals, being together
upon a tree, it is not discernible at a distance from a bright
shining fire. I had on a certain time at once three of these
cochinillas in my cottage, which there continued until past
midnight, shining so brightly that without any other light I
could easily read in any book, although of never so small a
print. I attempted to bring some of these insects into Europe
when I came from those parts, but as soon as they came into
a colder climate they died by the way. They lost also their
shining upon the change of air, even before their death.
This shining is so great, according to what I have related, that
the Spaniards with great reason may well call them from their
luminous quality moscas de fuego, that is to say fire-flies.
There be also in Hispaniola an excessive number of grzllones
or crickets. These are of an extraordinary magnitude, if
compared to ours, and so full of noise that they are ready to
burst themselves with singing, if any person comes near them.
Here is no lesser number of reptiles, such as serpents are and
others, but by a particular providence of the Creator these
have no poison. Neither do they any other harm than unto
what fowl they can catch, but more especially unto pullets,
pigeons, and others of this kind. Ofttimes these serpents or
snakes are useful in houses to cleanse them of rats and mice.
For with great cunning they counterfeit their shrieks, and
hereby both deceive and catch them at their pleasure. Hav-
ing taken them, they in no wise eat the guts of these vermin,
but only suck their blood at first. Afterwards throwing away
the guts, they swallow almost entire the rest of the body,
which, as it should seem, they readily digest into soft excre-
ments, of which they discharge their bellies. Another sort of
reptiles belonging to this island is called by the name of
REPTILES; SPIDERS; SCORPIONS 35
ca¢adores de moscas, or fly-catchers. This name was given unto
this reptile by the Spaniards, by reason they never could
experience it lived upon any other food than flies. Hence it
cannot be said this creature causes any harm unto the inhabit-
ants, but rather benefit, seeing it consumes by its continual
exercise of hunting the vexatious and troublesome flies.
Land-tortoises here be also in great quantities. They
__ mostly breed in mud and fields that are overflown with water.
_ The inhabitants eat them, and testify they are very good food.
___ Buta sort of spider which is here found is very hideous. These
are as big as an ordinary egg, and their feet as long as those of
the biggest sea-crabs. Withal, they are very hairy, and have
four black teeth, like unto those of a rabbit, both in bigness
and shape. Notwithstanding, their bitings are not venomous,
_ although they can bite very sharply, and do use it very com-
_ monly. They breed for the most part in the roofs of houses.
_ This island also is not free from the insect called in Latin
millepes, and in Greek scolopendria, or ‘ many-feet’: neither
is it void of scorpions. Yet, by the providence of nature,
neither the one nor the other bears the least suspicion of
~ poison. For, although they cease not to bite, yet their
wounds require not the application of any medicament for
their cure. And, although their bitings cause some inflam-
mation and swelling at the beginning, however these symptoms
_ disappear of their own accord. Thus in the whole circum-
__. ference of Hispaniola, no animal is found that produces the
least harm with its venom.
After the insects above-mentioned, I shall not omit to say
something of that terrible beast called cayman. This is a
certain species of crocodile, wherewith this island very plenti-
fully abounds. Among these caymans some are found to be
of a corpulency very horrible to the sight. Certain it is, that
such have been seen as had no less than three-score-and-ten
foot in length and twelve in breadth. Yet more marvellous
than their bulk is their cunning and subtlety wherewith they
purchase their food. Being hungry, they place themselves
nigh the sides of rivers, more especially at the fords, where
cattle come to drink or wade over. Here they lie without any
motion, nor stirring any part of their body, resembling an old
tree fallen into the river, only floating upon the waters, whither
these will carry them. Yet they recede not far from the bank-
36 CROCODILES OF HISPANIOLA
sides, but continually lurk in the same place, waiting till some
wild-boar or salvage cow comes to drink or refresh themselves
at that place. At which point of time, with huge activity,
they assault them, and seizing on them with no less fierceness,
they drag the prey into the water and there stifle it. But
what is more worthy admiration is, that three or four days
before the caymans go upon this design, they eat nothing at all.
But, diving into the river, they swallow one or two hundred-
weight of stones, such as they can find. With these they
render themselves more heavy than before, and make addition
to their natural strength (which in this animal is very great),
thereby to render their assault the more terrible and secure.
The prey being thus stifled, they suffer it to lie four or five
days underwater untouched ; for they could not eat the least
bit thereof, unless half-rotten. But, when it is arrived at such
a degree of putrefaction as is most pleasing to their palate,
they devour it with great appetite and voracity. Ifthey can lay
hold on any hides of beasts, such as the inhabitants ofttimes
place in the fields for drying against the sun, they drag them
into the water. Here they leave them for some days, well
loaden with stones, till the hair falls off. Then they eat them
with no less appetite than they would the animals themselves,
could they catch them. I have seen myself, many times, like
things unto these I have related. But, besides my own
experience, many writers of natural things have made entire
treatises of these animals, describing not only their shape,
magnitude, and other qualities, but also their voracity and
brutish inclinations; which, as I have told you, are very
strange. A certain person of good reputation and credit told
me that one day he was by the river-side washing his baraca,
or tent, wherein he used to lie in the fields. As soon as he
began his work, a cayman fastened upon the tent, and with
incredible fury dragged it under water. The man, desirous
to see if he could save his tent, pulled on the contrary side with
all his strength, having in his mouth a butcher’s knife (where-
with as it happened he was scraping the canvas) to defend
himself in case of urgent necessity. The cayman, being angry
at this opposition, vaulted upon his body, out of the river,
and drew him with great celerity into the water, endeavouring
with the weight of his bulk to stifle him under the banks. Thus
finding himself in the greatest extremity, almost crushed to
Fig a NEY CT we ae
‘Tae a
.
:
4
|
.
7
-
CROCODILES OF HISPANIOLA an
death by that huge and formidable animal, with his knife he
gave the cayman several wounds in the belly, wherewith he
suddenly expired. Being thus delivered from the hands of
imminent fate, he drew the cayman out of the water, and
with the same knife opened the body, to satisfy his own
curiosity. In his stomach he found nearly one hundred-
weight of stones, each of them being almost of the bigness
of his fist.
The caymans are ordinarily busied in hunting and catching
of flies, which they eagerly devour. The occasion is, because
close unto their skin they have certain little scales which smell
with a sweet scent, something like unto musk. This aromatic
odour is coveted by the flies, and here they come to repose
themselves and sting. Thus they both persecute each other
continually, with an incredible hatred and antipathy. Their
manner of procreating and hatching their young ones is as
follows. They approach the sandy banks of some river that
lies exposed to the rays of the south sun. Among these sands
they lay their eggs, which afterwards they cover with their
feet ; and here they find them hatched, and with young genera-
tion, by only the heat of the sun. These, as soon as they are
out of the shell, by natural instinct run unto the water. |
Many times those eggs are destroyed by birds that find them
out, as they scrape among the sands. Hereupon the females
of the caymans, at such times as they fear the coming of any
flocks of birds, do ofttimes by night swallow these their eggs,
and keep them in their stomach till the danger is over. And,
from time to time, they bury them again in the sand, as I have
told you, bringing them forth again out of their belly till the
season is come of being excluded the shell. At this time, if
the mother be nigh at hand, they run unto her and play with
her as little whelps would do with their dams, sporting them-
selves according to their own custom. In this sort of sport
they will oftentimes run in and out of their mother’s belly,
even as rabbits into their holes. This I have seen them do
many times, as I have spied them at play with their dam over
the water upon the contrary banks of some river. At which
time I have often disturbed their sport by throwing a stone
that way, causing them on a sudden to creep into the mother’s
bowels, for fear of some imminent danger. The manner of
procreating of those animals is always the same as I have re-
38 CROCODILES OF HISPANIOLA
lated, and at the same time of the year, for they neither meddle
nor mate with one another but in the month of May. They
give them in this country the name of crocodiles, though in
other places of the West Indies they go under the name of
caymans.
CHAPTER V
Of all sorts of quadruped animals and birds that are found in
this island. As also a relation of the French Buccaneers
BesipEs the fruits which this island produces, whose plenty,
as is held for certain, surpasses all the islands of America, it
abounds also very plentifully in all sorts of quadruped animals,
such as horses, bulls, cows, wild-boars, and others very useful
to human kind, not only for common sustenance of life, but
also for cultivating the ground and the management of a
sufficient commerce.
In this island, therefore, are still remaining an huge number
of wild-dogs. These destroy yearly multitudes of all sorts of
cattle. For no sooner has a cow brought forth her calf, or a
mare foaled, but these wild-mastiffs come to devour the young
breed, if they find not some resistance from keepers and other
domestic dogs. They run up and down the woods and fields
commonly in whole troops of fifty, three-score, or more to-
gether, being withal so fierce that they ofttimes will assault an
entire herd of wild-boars, not ceasing to persecute them till
they have at last overcome and torn in pieces two or three.
One day a French Buccaneer caused me to see a strange action
of this kind. Being in the fields hunting together, we heard
a great noise of dogs, which had surrounded a wild-boar.
Having tame dogs with us, we left them to the custody of our
servants, desirous to see the sport, if possible. Hence my
companion and I, each of us, climbed up into several trees,
both for security and prospect. The wild-boar was all alone,
and standing against a tree ; with his tusks he endeavoured to
defend himself from a great number of dogs that had enclosed
him, having with his teeth killed and wounded several of them.
This bloody fight continued about an hour, the wild-boar
meanwhile attempting many times to escape. At last, being
39
40 WILD-DOGS OF HISPANIOLA
upon the flight, one of those dogs, leaping on his back, fastened
upon the testicles, which at one pullhe torein pieces. The rest
of the dogs, perceiving the courage of their companion, fast-
ened likewise upon the boar, and presently after killed him.
This being done, all of them, the first only excepted, laid them-
selves down upon the ground about the prey, and there
peaceably continued till he, the first and most courageous of
the troop, had eaten as much as he could devour. When this
dog had ended his repast and left the dead beast, all the rest fell
in to take their share, till nothing was left that they could
devour. What ought we to infer from this notable action,
performed by the brutish sense of wild animals? Only this,
that even beasts themselves are not destitute of knowledge,
and that they give us documents how to honour such as have
well deserved, seeing these, being irrational animals as they
were, did reverence and respect him that exposed his life to
the greatest danger, in vanquishing courageously the common
enemy.
The Governor of Tortuga, Monsieur Ogeron, understanding
that the wild-dogs killed too many of the wild-boars, and that
the hunters of that island had much-a-do to find any, fearing
lest that common sustenance of the isle should fail, caused a
great quantity of poison to be brought from France, therewith
to destroy the wild-mastiffs. This was performed in the year
1668, by commanding certain horses to be killed and en-
venomed, and laid open in the woods and fields, at certain
places where mostly wild-dogs used to resort. This being
continued for the space of six months, there were killed an
incredible number in the said time. And yet all this industry
was not sufficient to exterminate and destroy the race; yea,
scarce to make any diminution thereof, their number appear-
ing to be almost as entire as before. These wild-dogs are
easily rendered tame among people, even as tame as the
ordinary dogs we breed in houses. Moreover, the hunters of
those parts, whensoever they find a wild bitch with young
whelps, do commonly take away the puppies and bring them
to their houses, where they experience them, being grown up,
to hunt much better than other dogs.
But here the curious reader may peradventure inquire
whence or by what accident came so many wild dogs into those
islands, The occasion was that the Spaniards, having pos-
Pe ses? eee ee
See ee ee ee
WILD-DOGS OF HISPANIOLA 41
sessed themselves of these isles, found them much peopled
with Indians. These were a barbarous sort of people totally
given to sensuality and a brutish custom of life, hating all
manner of labour, and only inclined to run from place to place,
killing and making war against their neighbours, not out of
any ambition to reign, but only because they agreed not with
themselves in some common terms of language. Hence
perceiving the dominion of the Spaniards laid a great restric-
tion upon their lazy and brutish customs, they conceived
an incredible odium against them, such as never was to be
reconciled. But more especially, because they saw them take
possession of their kingdoms and dominions. Hereupon
they made against them all the resistance they were capable
of, opposing everywhere their designs to the utmost of their
power, until that the Spaniards, finding themselves to be
cruelly hated by those Indians, and nowhere secure from their
treacheries, resolved to extirpate and ruin them every one ;
especially seeing they could neither tame them by the civilities
_of their customs, nor conquer them by the sword. But the
Indians, it being their ancient custom to make their woods
their chieftest places of defence, at present made these
their refuge whenever they fled from the Spaniards that
pursued them. Hereupon those first conquerors of the New
World made use of dogs to range and search the intricatest
thickets of woods and forests for those their implacable and
unconquerable enemies. By these means they forced them
to leave their ancient refuge and submit unto the sword,
seeing no milder usage would serve turn. Hereupon they
- killed some of them, and, quartering their bodies, placed them
in the highways, to the intent that others might take warning
from such a punishment, not to incur the like danger. But
this severity proved to be of ill consequence. For, instead
of frighting them and reducing their minds to a civil society,
they conceived such horror of the Spaniards and their pro-
ceedings, that they resolved to detest and fly their sight for
ever. And hence the greatest part died in caves and
subterraneous places of the woods and mountains ; in which
places I myself have seen many times great numbers of human
bones. / The Spaniards afterwards, finding no more Indians
to appear about the woods, endeavoured to rid themselves of
the great number of dogs they had in their houses, whence
42 WILD-BULLS OF HISPANIOLA
these animals, finding no masters to keep them, betook
themselves unto the woods and fields, there to hunt for food
to preserve their lives. Thus by degrees they became un-
acquainted with the houses of their ancient masters, and at
last grew wild. This is the truest account I can give of the
multitudes of wild-dogs which are seen to this day in these
parts.
But besides the wild-mastiffs above-mentioned, here are
also huge numbers of wild-horses to be seen everywhere.
These run up and down in whole herds or flocks all over the
island of Hispaniola. They are but low of stature, short-
bodied, with great heads, long necks, and big or thick legs.
In a word, they have nothing that is handsome in all their
shape. They are seen to run up and down commonly in troops
of two or three hundred together, one of them going always
before, to lead the multitude. When they meet any person
that travels through the woods or fields, they stand still,
suffering him to approach till he can almost touch them, and
then, suddenly starting, they betake themselves to flight,
running away disorderly, as fast as they are able. The
hunters catch them with industry, only for the benefit of their
skins, although sometimes they preserve their flesh likewise,
which they harden with smoke, using it for provisions when
they go to sea.
Here would be also wild-bulls and cows, in greater number
than at present, if by continuation of hunting their race were
not much diminished. Yet considerable profit is made even to
this day by such as make it their business to kill them. The
wild-bulls are of a vast corpulency, or bigness of body ; and
yet they do no hurt unto any person if they be not exasperated
but left to their own repose. The hides which are taken from
them are from eleven to thirteen foot long.
The diversity of birds inhabiting the air of this island is so
great that I should be troublesome, as well unto the reader as
myself, if I should attempt to muster up their species. Hence,
leaving aside the prolix catalogue of their multitude, I shall
content myself only to mention some few of the chiefest. Here
is a certain species of pullets in the woods, which the Spaniards
call by the name of fintadas, which the inhabitants find with-
out any distinction to be as good as those which are bred in
houses. It is already known to everybody that the parrots
BIRDS OF HISPANIOLA 43
which we have in Europe are transported to us from these
parts of the world. Whence may be inferred that, seeing such
a number of these talkative birds are preserved among us,
notwithstanding the diversity of climates, much greater
multitudes are to be found where the air and temperament is
natural to them. The parrots make their nests in holes of
palmetto-trees, which holes are before made to their hand by
other birds. The reason is, forasmuch as they are not capable
of excavating any wood though never so soft, as having their
own bills too crooked and blunt. Hence provident nature
has supplied them with the labour and industry of another
sort of small birds called carpinteros, or carpenters. These
are no bigger than sparrows, yet notwithstanding of such hard
and piercing bills that no iron instrument can be made more
apt to excavate any tree, though never so solid and hard. In
the holes, therefore, fabricated beforehand by these birds, the
parrots get possession, and build their nests, as has been said.
Pigeons of all sorts are also here abundantly provided unto
the inhabitants by Him that created in the beginning and
provided all things. For eating of them, those of this island
observe the same seasons as we said before, speaking of the isle
of Tortuga. Betwixt the pigeons of both islands little or no
difference is observable, only that these of Hispaniola are
something fatter and bigger than those. Another sort of
small birds here are called cabreros, or goat-keepers. These
are very like unto others called heronsetas, and do chiefly feed
upon crabs of the sea. In these birds are found seven distinct
bladders of gall, and hence their flesh is as bitter unto the
taste as aloes. Crows or ravens, more troublesome unto the
inhabitants than useful, do here make a hideous noise through
the whole circumference of the island. Their ordinary food is
the flesh of wild-dogs, or the carcases of those beasts the
Buccaneers kill and throw away. These clamorous birds do
no sooner hear the report of a fowling-piece or musket but they
gather from all sides into whole flocks, and fill the air and woods
with their unpleasant notes. They are in nothing different
from those we see in Europe.
It is now high time to speak of the French nation, who
inhabit a great part of this island. We have told, at the
beginning of this book, after what manner they came at first
into these parts. At present, therefore, we shall only describe
a HUNTERS
their manner of living, customs, and ordinary employments.
The different callings or professions they follow are generally
but three: either to hunt, or plant, or else to rove on the sea
in quality of pirates. It is a general and solemn custom
amongst them all to seek out for a comrade or companion,
whom we may call partner, in their fortunes ; with whom they
join the whole stock of what they possess, towards a mutual
and reciprocal gain. This is done also by articles drawn and
signed on both sides, according to what has been agreed be-
tween them. Some of these constitute their surviving com-
panion absolute heir unto what is left by the death of the first
of the two. Others, if they be married, leave their estates
unto their wives and children; others unto other relations.
This being done, every one applies himself unto his calling,
which is always one of the three aforementioned.
The hunters are again subdivided into two several sorts.
For some of these are given to hunt only wild-bulls and cows ;
others hunt only wild-boars. The first of these two sorts of
hunters are called Buccaneers,, These not long ago were
about the number of 600 upon this island; but at present
there are not reckoned to be above 300 more or less. The
cause has been the great decrease of wild-cattle through the
dominions of the French in Hispaniola, which has appeared to
be so notable that, far from getting any considerable gain,
they at present are but poor in this exercise. AWhen the
Buccaneers go into the woods to hunt for wild-bulls and cows,
they commonly remain there the space of a whole twelve-
month or two years, without returning home. After the
hunt is over and the spoil divided among them, they
commonly sail to the isle of Tortuga, there to provide
themselves with guns, powder, bullets, and small shot, with all
other necessaries against another going out or hunting. The
rest of their gains they spend with great liberality, giving
themselves freely to all manner of vices and debauchery,
among which the first is that of drunkenness, which they
exercise for the most part with brandy; this they drink as
liberally as the Spaniards do clear fountain-water. Sometimes
they buy together a pipe of wine: this they stave at the one
end, and never cease drinking till they have made an end of it.
Thus they celebrate the festivals of Bacchus so long as they
have any money left. Neither do they forget at the same time
HUNTERS 45
the goddess Venus, for whose beastly delights they find more
women than they can make use of. For all the tavern-keepers
and strumpets wait for the coming of these lewd Buccaneers,
even after the same manner that they do at Amsterdam for
the arrival of the East India fleet at the Texel. The said
Buccaneers are hugely cruel and tyrannical towards their
servants: insomuch that commonly these had rather be
galley-slaves in the Straits, or saw brazil-wood in the rasp-
houses! of Holland, than serve such barbarous masters.
The second sort of hunters hunt nothing else but wild-boars.
The flesh of these they salt, and, being thus preserved from
corruption, they sell it unto the planters. These hunters have
also the same vicious customs of life, and are as much addicted
to all manner of debauchery as the former. But their manner
of hunting is quite different from what is practised in Europe.
For these Buccaneers have certain places, designed for hunting, .
where they live for the space of three or four months, and
sometimes, though not often, a whole year. Such places are
called deza boulan ; and in these, with only the company of
five or six friends, who go along with them, they continue all
the time above-mentioned in mutual friendship. The first
Buccaneers we spoke of many times make an agreement with
certain planters to furnish them with meat all the whole year
at a certain price. The payment hereof is often made with
two or three hundréd-weight of tobacco, in the leaf. But the
planters commonly into the bargain furnish them likewise with
a servant, whom they send to help. Unto the servant they
afford a sufficient quantity of all necessaries for that purpose,
polly of powder, bullets, and small shot, to hunt withaly
The planters began to cultivate and plant the isle of Tortuga
in the year 1598. The first plantation was of tobacco, the
which grew to admiration, being likewise of very good quality.
Notwithstanding, by reason of the small circumference of the
island, they were then able to plant but little ; especially there
being many pieces of land in that isle that were not fit to
produce tobacco. They attempted likewise to make sugar,
but, by reason of the great expenses necessary to defray the
1 Houses of correction, at one time in use in Holland and Germany.
Prisoners were put to rasping wood. Cf. Evelyn, Diary, 19 Aug. 1641 :
“‘ We went to see the rasp-house, where lusty knaves are compell’d to
worke, and the rasping of brasill and logwood is very hard labour.”
46 BEANS; POTATOES
charges, they could not bring it to any effect. So that the
greatest part of the inhabitants, as we said before, betook
themselves to the exercise of hunting, and the remaining part
to that of piracy. At last the hunters, finding themselves
scarce able to subsist by their first profession, began likewise to
seek out lands that might be rendered fit for culture ; and in
these also they planted tobacco. The first land that they
chose for this purpose was Cul de Sac, whose territory extends
towards the Southern part of the island. This piece of ground
they divided into several quarters, which were called the Great
Amea, Niep, Rochelois, the Little Grave, the Great Grave,
and the Augame. “Here, by little and little, they increased so
much that at present there are above two thousand planters
in those fields. At the beginning they endured very much
hardship, seeing that, while they were busied about their
husbandry, they could not go out of the island to seek pro-
visions. This hardship was also increased by the necessity of
grubbing, cutting down, burning, and digging, whereby to
extirpate the innumerable roots of shrubs and trees.g For
when the Frertch possessed themselves of that island, it was
wholly overgrown with woods extremely thick, these being
inhabited only by an extraordinary number of wild-boars.
The method they took to clear the ground was to divide them-
selves into small companies of two or three persons together,
and these companies to separate far enough from each other,
provided with a few hatchets and some quantity of coarse
provision. With these things they used to go into the woods,
and there to build huts for their habitation, of only a few
rafters and boughs of trees. Their first endeavour was to
root up the shrubs and little trees; afterwards to cut down
the great ones. These they gathered into heaps, with their
branches, and then set them on fire, excepting the roots, which,
last of all, they were constrained to grub and dig up after the
best manner they could. The first seed they committed to the
ground was beans. These in those countries both ripen and
dry away in the space of six weeks.
The second fruit necessary to human life which here they
tried was potatoes. These come not to perfection in lesser
time than four or five months. On these they most commonly
make their breakfasts every morning. They dress them no
otherwise than by boiling them in a kettle with fair water.
CASSAVA; VEYCOU; BANANAS 47
Afterwards they cover them with a cloth for the space of half-
an-hour, by which manner of dressing they become as soft as
boiled chestnuts. Of the said potatoes also they make a
drink called maiz. They cut them into small slices, and cover
them with hot water. When they are well imbibed with water,
they press them through a coarse cloth, and the liquor that
comes out, although somewhat thick, they keep in vessels
made for that purpose. Here, after settling two or three days,
it begins to work ; and, having thrown off its lees, is fit for
drink. They use it with great delight, apd although the taste
is somewhat sour, yet it is very pleasant, substantial, and
wholesome. The industry of this composition is owing
unto the Indians, as well as of many others, which the ingeni-
osity of those barbarians caused them to invent both for the
preservation and the pleasure of their own life.
The third fruit the newly cultivated land afforded was
mandioca, which the Indians by another name call cassava.
This is a certain root which they plant, but comes not to per-
fection till after eight or nine months, yea, sometimes a whole
year. Being thoroughly ripe, it may be left in the ground the
space of eleven or twelve months, without the least suspicion
of corruption. But, this time being past, the said roots must
be converted unto use some way or another, otherwise they
conceive a total putrefaction. Of these roots of cassava, in
those countries, ds made a sort of granulous flour, or meal,
extremely dry and white, which supplies the want of common
bread made of wheat, whereof the fields are altogether barren
in that island. For this purpose they have in their houses
certain graters made either of copper or tin, wherewith they
grate the aforementioned roots, just as they use to do mirick
in Holland. By the by, let me tell you, mirick is a certain
root of a very biting taste, not unlike unto strong mustard,
wherewith they usually make sauces for some sorts of fish.
When they have grated as much cassava root as will serve
turn, they put the gratings into bags, or sacks, made of coarse
linen, and press out all the moisture, until they remain very
dry. Afterwards they pass the gratings through a sieve,
leaving them, after sifting, very like unto sawdust. The meal
being thus prepared, they lay it upon planches of iron, which
are made very hot, upon which it is converted into a sort of
cakes, very thin. These cakes are afterwards placed in the
48 MANNER OF PLANTING TOBACCO
sun, upon the tops of houses, where they are thoroughly and
perfectly dried. And lest they should lose any part of their
meal, what did not pass the sieve is made into up rolls, 5 or 6
inches thick. These are placed one upon another, and left
in this posture until they begin to corrupt. Of this corrupted
matter they make a liquor, by them called veycou, which they
find very excellent, and certainly is not inferior unto our
English beer.
Bananas are likewise another sort of fruit, of which is made
another excellent liquor, which, both in strength and pleasant-
ness of taste, may be compared unto the best wines of Spain.
But this liquor of bananas, as it easily causes drunkenness in
such as use it immoderately, so it likewise very frequently
inflames the throat, and produces dangerous diseases in that
part. Gunes agudos is also another fruit whereof they make
drink. But this sort of liquor is not so strong as the preceding.
Howbeit, both the one and the other are frequently mingled
with water, thereby to quench thirst.
After they had cultivated these plantations, and filled them
with all sorts of roots and fruits necessary for human life, they
began to plant tobacco, for trading. The manner of planting
this frequent commodity is as follows. They make certain
beds of earth in the field, no larger than twelve-foot square.
These beds they cover very well with palmetto-leaves, to the
intent that the rays of the sun may not touch the earth where-
in tobacco is sowed. They water them likewise, when it does
not rain, as we do our gardens in Europe. When it is grown
about the bigness of young lettuce, they transplant it into
straight lines, which they make in other spacious fields, setting
every plant at the distance of 3 foot from each other. They
observe, likewise, the fittest seasons of the year for these
things, which are commonly from January until the end of
March, these being the months wherein most rains do fall in
those countries. Tobacco ought to be weeded very carefully,
seeing the least root of any other herb, coming near it, is
sufficient to hinder its growth. When it is grown to the
height of one foot and a half or thereabouts, they cut off the
tops—thereby to hinder the stalks and leaves from shooting
too high upwards, to the intent that the whole plant may
receive greater strength from the earth, which affords unto
it all its vigour and taste. While it ripens and comes to full
SUBJECTION OF THE PLANTERS 49
perfection, they prepare in their houses certain apartments
of fifty or three-score foot in length and thirty or forty in
breadth. These they fill with branches of trees and rafters,
and upon them lay the green tobacco to dry. “When it is
thoroughly dried, they strip off the leaf from the stalks, and
cause it to be rolled up by certain people who are employed in
this work and no other., Unto these they afford for their
labour the tenth part of what they make up into rolls. This
property is peculiar unto tobacco, which therefore I shall not
omit, that if, while it is yet in the ground, the leaf be pulled off
from the stalk, it sprouts again, no less than four times in one
year. Here I should be glad to give an account also of the
manner of making sugar, indigo and gimbes!; but, seeing
these things are not planted in those parts whereof we now
speak, I have thought fit to pass them over in silence.
“The French planters of the isle of Hispaniola have always
unto this present time been subject unto the Governors of
Tortuga. Yet this obedience has not been rendered without
much reluctance and grudging on their side. In the year 1664
the West India Company of France laid the foundations of
a colony in Tortuga, under which colony the planters of
Hispaniola were comprehended and named as _ subjects
thereunto. This decree disgusted the said planters very
much, they taking it very ill to be reputed subjects unto a
private Company of men who had no authority to make them
so; especially being in a country which belonged not unto
the dominions of the King of France. Hereupon they resolved
to work no longer for the said Company. And this resolution
of theirs was sufficient to compel the Company to a total
dissolution of the Colony. But at last the Governor of
Tortuga, who was pretty well stocked with planters, con-
ceiving he could more easily force them than the West India
Company, found an invention whereby to draw them unto his
obedience. He promised them he would put off their several
sorts of merchandize, and cause such returns to be made, in
lieu of their goods from France, as they should best like,
Withal, he dealt with the merchants under-hand, that all ships
whatsoever should come consigned unto him, and no persons
should entertain any correspondence with those planters of
1 Perhaps gambier, gambir, an astringent extract from the leaves of
Uncaria Gambir,
E
50 FIRST DUTCH TRADE
Hispaniola; thinking thereby to avoid many inconveniences,
and compel them through necessity and want of all things
to obey. By these means he not only obtained the obedience
he designed from those people, but also that some merchants
who had promised to deal with them and visit them now and
then, no longer did it.
Notwithstanding what has been said, in the year 1669 two
ships from Holland happened to arrive at the isle of Hispaniola
with all sorts of merchandize necessary in those parts. With
these ships presently the planters aforesaid resolved to deal,
and with the Dutch nation for the future, thinking hereby to
withdraw their obedience from the Governor of Tortuga, and,
by frustrating his designs, revenge themselves of what they had
endured under his government. Not long after the arrival of
the Hollanders, the Governor of Tortuga came to visit the
plantation of Hispaniola, in a vessel very well armed. But
the planters not only forbade him to come ashore, but with
their guns also forced him to weigh anchor, and retire faster
than hecame. Thus the Hollanders began to trade with these
people for all manner of things. But such relations and friends
as the Governor had in Hispaniola used all the endeavours
they were capable of to impede the commerce. This being
understood by the planters, they sent them word that 7 case
they laid not aside their artifices, for the hinderance of the com-
merce which was begun with the Hollanders, they should every
one assuredly be torn in pieces. Moreover, to oblige farther the
Hollanders and contemn the Governor and his party, they
gave greater ladings unto the two ships than they could desire,
with many gifts and presents unto the officers and mariners,
whereby they sent them very well contented to their own
country. The Hollanders came again very punctually,
according to their promise, and found the planters under a
greater indignation than before against the Governor ; either
because of the great satisfaction they had already conceived of
this commerce with the Dutch, or that by their means they
hoped to subsist by themselves without any further dependence
upon the French nation. However it was, suddenly after they
set up another resolution something more strange than the
preceding. The tenour hereof was that they would go unto
the island of Tortuga, and cut the Governor in pieces. Here-
upon they gathered together as many canoes as they could,
PLAN TO KILL THE GOVERNOR - 51
and set sail from Hispaniola, with design not only to kill the
Governor, but also to possess themselves of the whole island.
This they thought they could more easily perform by reason
of all necessary assistance which they believed would at any
time be sent them from Holland. By which means they were
already determined in their minds to erect themselves into a
new Commonwealth, independent of the Crown of France.
But no sooner had they begun this great revolution of their
little State, when they received news of a war declared between
the two nations in Europe. This wrought such a consterna-
tion in their minds as caused them to give over that enter-
prize and retire without attempting anything.
In the meanwhile the Governor of Tortuga sent into France
for aid towards his own security and the reduction of those
people to their former obedience. This was granted him,
and two men-of-war were sent unto Tortuga, with orders to
be at his commands. Having received such a considerable
support, he sent them very well equipped to the isle of His-
paniola. Being arrived at the place, they landed part of their
forces, with a design to force the people to the obedience of
those whom they much hated in their hearts. But the planters,
seeing the arrival of those two frigates and not being ignorant
of their design, fled into the woods, abandoning their houses
and many of their goods, which they left behind. These
were immediately rifled and burnt by the French without
any compassion, not sparing the least cottage they found.
Afterwards the Governor began to relent in his anger, and let
them know by some messengers that i case they would return
unto his obedience, he would give ear unto some accommodation
betwixt them. WHereupon the planters, finding themselves
destitute of all human relief and that they could expect no
help from any side, surrendered unto the Governor upon
articles, which were made and signed on both sides. But
these were not too strictly observed, for he commanded two
of the chief among them to be hanged. The residue were
pardoned, and withal he gave them free leave to trade with any
nation whatsoever they found most fit for their purpose. With
the grant of this liberty they began to recultivate their plant-
ations, which gave them an huge quantity of very good
tobacco; they selling yearly to the sum of 20 or 30 thousand
rolls. y,
52 CRUELTY OF 7 PUANTER
/In this country the planters have but very few slaves, for
want of which they themselves, and some servants they have,
are constrained to do all the drudgery. These servants com-
monly oblige and bind themselves unto their masters for the
space of three years. But their masters, forsaking all con-
science and justice, oftentimes traffic with their bodies as with
horses at a fair; selling them unto other masters, even just as ~
they sell negroes brought from the coast of Guinea. Yea, to
advance this trade, some persons there are who go purposely
into France (the same happens in England and other coun-
tries), and, travelling through the cities, towns, and villages,
endeavour to pick up young men or boys, whom they trans-
port, by making them great promises. These, being once
allured and conveyed into the islands I speak of, they force to
work like horses, the toil they impose upon them being much
harder than what they usually enjoin unto the negroes, their
slaves. For these they endeavour in some manner to pre-
serve, as being their perpetual bond-men ; but, as for their
white servants, they care not whether they live or die, seeing
they are to continue no longer than three years in their service. ,
These miserable kidnapped people are frequently subject unto
a certain disease, which in those parts is called coma, being a
total privation of all their senses. And this distemper is
judged to proceed from their hard usage, together with the
change of their native climate into that which is directly
opposite. Oftentimes it happens that, among these transported
people, such are found as are persons of good quality and
tender education. And these, being of a softer constitution,
are more suddenly surprised with the disease above-mentioned,
and with several others belonging to those countries, than those
who have harder bodies and have been brought up to all
manner of fatigue. Besides the hard usage they endure in
their diet, apparel, and repose, many times they beat them so
cruelly that some of them fall down dead under the hands of
their cruel masters. This I have often seen with my own eyes,
not without great grief and regret. Of many instances of
this nature I shall give you only the following history, as being
something more remarkable in its circumstances.
It happened that a certain planter of those countries
exercised such cruelty towards one of his servants as caused
him to run away. Having absconded for some days in the
TORTURE OF A SERVANT 53
woods from the fury of his tyrannical master, at last he was
taken, and brought back to the dominion of this wicked
Pharaoh. No sooner had he got him into his hands but he
commanded him to be tied unto a tree. Here he gave him
so many lashes upon his naked back as made his body run an
entire stream of gore-blood, embruing therewith the ground
about the tree. Afterwards, to make the smart of his wounds
the greater, he anointed them with juice of lemon mingled
with salt and pepper, being grounded small together. In this
miserable posture he left him tied unto the tree for the space of
four-and-twenty hours. These being past, he commenced his
punishment again, lashing him as before, with so much cruelty
that the miserable wretch, under this torture, gave up the
ghost, with these dying words in his mouth: I beseech the
Almighty God, Creator of heaven and earth, that he permit the
wicked Spirit to make thee feel as many torments before thy death
as thou hast caused me to feel before mine. A strange thing and
worthy all astonishment and admiration! Scarce three or
four days were past after this horrible fact, when the Almighty
Judge, who had heard the clamours of that tormented wretch,
gave permission to the Author of Wickedness suddenly to
possess the body of that barbarous and inhuman Amirricide},
who tormented him to death. Insomuch that those tyran-
nical hands, wherewith he had punished to death his innocent
servant, were the tormentors of his own body. For with
them, after a miserable manner, he did beat himself and lacer-
ated his own flesh, till he lost the very shape of man which
nature had given him, not ceasing to howl and cry, without
any rest either by day or night. Thus he continued to do
until he died, in that condition of raving madness wherein
he surrendered his ghost unto the same Spirit of Darkness who
had tormented his body. Many other examples of this kind
I could rehearse, but these, not belonging unto our present
discourse, I shall therefore omit.
The planters that inhabit the Caribbee Islands are rather
worse and more cruel unto their servants than the preceding.
In the Isle of Saint Christopher dwells one, whose name is
Bettesa, very well known among the Dutch merchants, who
1 The allusion here seems to be irrecoverable. Research in all
books of reference likely to yield a result, and inquiries of many
classical and literary experts have proved quite futile,
54 PLANTERS’ CRUELTIES
has killed above a hundred of his servants with blows and
stripes. “The English do the same with their servants. And
the mildest cruelty they exercise towards them is that, when
they have served six years of their time (the years they are
bound for among the English being seven complete), they use
them with such cruel hardship as forces them to beg of their
masters to sell them unto others, although it be to begin an-
other servitude of seven years, or at least three or four. I
have known many who after this manner served fifteen and
twenty years before they could obtain their freedom. g Another
thing very rigorous among that nation is a law in those islands,
whereby if any man owes to another above five-and-twenty
shillings, English money, in case he cannot pay, he is liable to
be sold for the space of six or eight months. I shall not trouble
the patience of my reader any longer with relations of this
kind, as belonging unto another subject different from what
I have proposed to myself in this history. Whereupon I
shall take my beginning hence to describe the famous actions
and exploits of the greatest Pirates of my time, during my
residence in those parts. These I shall endeavour to relate
without the least note of passion or partiality ; yea, with
that candour which is peculiar both to my mind and style:
withal certifying my reader I shall give him no stories taken
from others upon trust or hearsay, but only those enterprizes
unto which I was myself an eye-witness.
CHAPTER VI
Of the origin of the most famous Pirates of the coasts of America.
A notable exploit of Pierre le Grand
I HAVE told you in the preceding chapters of this book after
what manner I was compelled to adventure my life among
the Pirates of America—unto which sort of men I think my-
self obliged to give this name, for no other reason than that
they are not maintained or upheld in their actions by any
Sovereign Prince. For this is certain, that the Kings of Spain
have upon several occasions sent by their Ambassadors to the
Kings of France and England, complaining of the molestations
and troubles those Pirates often caused upon the coasts of America,
even in the calm of peace. Unto whose ambassadors it has
always been answered: That such men did not commit those
_ acts of hostility and piracy as subjects of their Majesties ; and
therefore his Catholic Majesty might proceed against them accord-
ing as he should find fit. The King of France, besides what
has been said, added unto this answer: That he had no fort-
ress nor castle upon the isle of Hispaniola ; neither did he receive
one farthing of tribute thence. Moreover, the King of England
adjoined: That he had never given any patents or commissions
unto those of Jamaica for committing any hostility against the sub-
jects of his Catholic Majesty. Neither did he only give this bare
answer, but also, out of his Royal desire to pleasure the Court
of Spain, recalled the Governor of Jamaica, placing another in
his room. AAll this was not sufficient to prevent the Pirates of
those parts from acting what mischief they could to the
contrary. But, before I commence the relation of their bold
and insolent actions, I shall say something of their origin and
most common exercises, as also of the chiefest among them,
and their manner of arming before they go out to sea.
The first Pirate that was known upon the island of Tortuga
55
fo HE. RISE OP PIERRE OLE GRAND
was named Pierre le Grand, or Peter the Great. He was
born at the town of Dieppe, in Normandy. The action which
rendered him famous was his taking of the Vice-Admiral of
the Spanish flofa!, nigh unto the Cape of Tiburon, upon the
Western side of the island of Hispaniola. This bold exploit
he performed alone with one only boat, wherein he had eight-
and-twenty persons, no more, to help him. What gave occa-
sion unto this enterprize was that until that time the Spaniards
had passed and repassed with all security, and without finding
the least opposition, through the Channel of Bahama. So
that Pierre le Grand set out to sea by the Caicos, where he
took this great ship with almost all facility imaginable. The
Spaniards they found aboard were all set on shore, and the
vessel presently sent into France. The manner how this
undaunted spirit attempted and took such an huge ship, I
shall give you out of the Journal of a true and faithful author
in the same words I read them: The boat, saith he, wherein
Pierre le Grand was with his companions, had now been at sea
a long time, without finding anything, according to his intent of
piracy suitable to make a prey. And now, their provisions
beginning to farl, they could keep themselves no longer upon the
ocean or they must of necessity starve. Being almost reduced
to despair, they espied a great ship belonging to the Spanish flota
which had separated from the rest. This bulky vessel they
resolved to set upon and take, or die in the attempt. Hereupon
they made sail towards her, with design to view her strength.
And, although they judged the vessel to be far above their forces,
yet the covetousness of such a prey and the extremity of fortune they
were reduced unto, made them adventure upon such an enterprize.
Being now come so near that they could not escape without danger
of being all killed, the Pirates jointly made an oath unto their
captain, Pierre le Grand, to behave themselves courageously in
this attempt without the least fear or fainting. True it ts that
these rovers had conceived an opinion they should find the ship
unprovided to fight, and that through this occasion they should
master her by degrees. It was in the dusk of the evening, or soon
after, when this great action was performed. But, before it was
1 Spanish, a fleet of merchant-ships. ‘‘ The flota is a fleet of large
ships which carry the goods of Europe to the ports of America, and bring
back the produce of Mexico, Peru, and other kingdoms of the New
World ’’—Swinburne, Travels in Spain [1779], Letter 28,
PIRACY 57
begun, they gave orders unto the surgeon of the boat to bore a hole
in the sides thereof, to the intent that, their own vessel sinking
under them, they might be compelled to attack more vigorously
and endeavour more hastily to run aboard the great ship. This
was performed accordingly ; and, without any other arms than
a pistol in one of their hands and a sword in the other, they
immediately climbed up the sides of the ship, and ran altogether
into the great cabin, where they found the Captain, with several
of his companions, playing at cards. Here they set a pistol to
his breast, commanding him to deliver up the ship unto their
obedience. The Spaniards, seeing the Pirates aboard their ship,
without scarce having seen them at sea, cried out : “‘ Jesus bless
us! Are these devils, or what are they?” In the meanwhile,
some of them took possession of the gun-room, and seized the arms
and military affairs they found there, killing as many of the ship
as made any opposition. By which means the Spaniards
presently were compelled to surrender. That very day the
Captain of the ship had been told by some of the seamen that the
boat, which was in view cruizing, was a boat of Pirates. Unto
whom the Captain, slighting their advice, made answer: ‘‘ What
then? Must I be afraid of such a pitiful thing as that is ?
No, nor though she were a ship as big and as strong as mine
is.’’ As soon as Pierrele Grand had taken this magnificent prize,
he detained in his service as many of the common seamen as he
had need of, and the rest he set on shore. This being done, he
immediately set sail for France, carrying with him all the riches
he found in that huge vessel: there he continued without ever
returning unto the parts of America.
/The planters and hunters of the isle of Tortuga had no sooner
understood this happy event, and the rich prize those Pirates
had obtained, but they resolved to follow their example.
Hereupon many of them left their ordinary exercises and
common employments, and used what means they could to
get either boats or small vessels wherein to exercise piracy.
But, being not able either to purchase or build them at Tortuga,
at last they resolved to set forth in their canoes and seek them
elsewhere. With these, therefore, they cruized at first upon
Cape d’Alvarez, whereabouts the Spaniards used much to
trade from one city to another in small boats. In these
they carry hides, tobacco, and other commodities unto
the port of Havana, which is the metropolis of that island
58 PIRACY INCREASES
and unto which the Spaniards from Europe do frequently
resort.
Hereabouts it was that those Pirates at the beginning took
a great number of boats, laden with the aforesaid commodities.
These boats they used to carry to the isle of Tortuga, and there
sell the whole purchase unto the ships that waited in the
port for their return or accidentally happened to be there.
With the gains of these prizes they provided themselves with
necessaries wherewithal to undertake other voyages. gSome
of these voyages were made towards the coast of Campeche,
and others towards that of New Spain ; in both which places
the Spaniards at that time did frequently exercise much com-
merce and trade. Upon those coasts they commonly found
great number of trading vessels and many times ships of great
burden. Two of the biggest of these vessels, and two great
ships which the Spaniards had laden with plate in the port
of Campeche to go unto Caracas, they took in less than a
month’s time, by cruizing to and fro. Being arrived at Tor-
tuga with these prizes, and the whole people of the island
admiring their progresses, especially that within the space of
two years the riches of the country were much increased, the
number also of Pirates did augment so fast that from these
beginnings, within a little space of time, there were to be num-
bered in that small island and port above twenty ships of this
sort of people. Hereupon the Spaniards, not able to bear their
robberies any longer, were constrained to put forth to sea two
great men-of-war, both for the defence of their own coasts
and to cruize upon the enemies,
CHAPTER VII
After what manner the Pirates arm their vessels, and how they
regulate their voyages
/Berore the Pirates go out to sea, they give notice unto every-
one that goes upon the voyage, of the day on which they ought
precisely to embark, intimating also unto them their obliga-
tion of bringing each man in particular so many pounds of
powder and bullets as they think necessary for that expedition.
Being all come on board, they join together in council, concern-
ing what place they ought first to go unto wherein to get
provisions—especially of flesh, seeing they scarce eat anything
_else.y And of this the most common sort among them is pork.
The next food is tortoises, which they use to salt a little.
Sometimes they resolve to rob such or such hog-yards,
wherein the Spaniards often have a thousand head of swine
together. They come unto these places in the dark of the
night, and, having beset the keeper’s lodge, they force him to
rise and give them as many heads as they desire, threatening
withal to kill him in case he disobeys their commands or makes
any noise. Yea, these menaces are oftentimes put in execu-
tion, without giving any quarter unto the miserable swine-
keepers or any other person that endeavours to hinder their
robberies.
aving gotten provisions of flesh sufficient for their voyage,
they return unto their ship. Here their allowance, twice a day
to every one, is as much as he can eat, without either weight or
measure. Neither does the steward of the vessel give any greater
proportion of flesh, or anything else, unto the Captain than unto
the meanest mariner. The ship being well victualled, they call
another council, to deliberate towards what place they shall
go to seek their desperate fortunes. In this council, likewise,
they agree upon certain articles, which are put in writing, by
way of bond or obligation, which every one is bound to ob-
59
60 ARTICLES OF ASSOCIATION
serve, and all of them, or the chiefest, do set their hands unto.
Herein they specify, and set down very distinctly, what sums
of money each particular person ought to have for that voyage,
the fund of all the payments being the common stock of what
is gotten by the whole expedition ; for otherwise it is the same
law, among these people as with other Pirates: No prey, no
pay. Inthe first place, therefore, they mention how much the
Captain ought to have for his ship. Next the salary of the
carpenter, or shipwright, who careened, mended, and rigged the
vessel. This commonly amounts unto 100 or 150 pieces-of-
eight!, being, according to the agreement, more or less.
Afterwards for provisions and victualling they draw out of
the same common stock about 200 pieces-of-eight. Also a
competent salary for the surgeon and his chest of medica-
ments, which usually is rated at 200 or 250 pieces-of-eight.
Lastly, they stipulate in writing what recompense or re-
ward each one ought to have that is either wounded or
maimed in his body, suffering the loss of any limb, by that
voyage. Thus they order for the loss of a right arm 600
pieces-of-eight, or 6 slaves; for the loss of a left arm 500
pieces-of-eight, or 5 slaves; for a right leg 500 pieces-of-
eight, or 5 slaves; for a left leg 400 pieces-of-eight, or 4
slaves; for an eye roo pieces-of-eight, or one slave ;
for a finger of the hand the same reward as for the
eye. All which sums of money, as I have said before, are
taken out of the capital sum or common stock of what is gotten
by their piracy. For a very exact and equal dividend is made
of the remainder among them all. Yet herein they have also
regard unto qualities and places. Thus the Captain, or chief
Commander, is allotted five or six portions to what the ordi-
nary seamen have ; the Master’s Mate only two ; and other
Officers proportionable to their employment. After whom
they draw equal parts from the highest even to the lowest
mariner, the boys not being omitted. For even these draw
half a share, by reason that, when they happen to take a better
vessel than their own, it is the duty of the boys to set fire unto
the ship or boat wherein they are, and then retire unto the
prize which they have taken.
1 A piece-of-eight is about five shillings sterling. (Note in original
book.) It is a “hard dollar’’, the Spanish piaster, worth about 4s. 2d.
(before 1914),
TORTOISES 61
They observe among themselves very good orders. For in
the prizes they take, it is severely prohibited unto every one
to usurp anything in particular unto themselves. Hence all
they take is equally divided, according to what has been said
before. Yea, they make a solemn oath to each other not to
abscond, or conceal the least thing they find amongst the prey.
If afterwards any one is found unfaithful, and has contravened
the said oath, immediately he is separated and turned out
of the society. Among themselves they are very civil and
charitable to each other. Insomuch that, if any wants what
another has, with great liberality they give it one to another.
As soon as these Pirates have taken any prize of ship or boat,
the first thing they endeavour is to set on shore the prisoners,
detaining only some few for their own help and service, unto
whom also they give their liberty after the space of two or
three years.y They put in very frequently for refreshment at
one island or another, but more especially into those which lie
on the Southern side of the isle of Cuba. Here they careen
their vessels, and in the meanwhile some of them go to hunt,
others to cruize upon the seas in canoes, seeking their fortune.
Many times they take the poor fishermen of tortoises, and,
carrying them to their habitations, they make them work so
long as the Pirates are pleased.
In the several parts of America are found four distinct
species of tortoises. The first hereof are so great that every
one reaches to the weight of 2 or 3 thousand pounds. The
scales of the species are so soft as that easily they may be cut
with a knife. Yet these tortoises are not good to be eaten.
The second species is of an indifferent bigness, and are green in
colour. The scales of these are harder than the first, and this
sort is of a very pleasant taste. The third is very little
different in size and bigness from the second, unless that it has
the head something bigger. This third species is called by the
French cavana, and is not good for food. The fourth is named
caret, being very like to the tortoises we have in Europe.
This sort keeps most commonly among the rocks, whence they
crawl out to seek their food, which is for the greatest part
nothing but apples of the sea. Those other species above-
mentioned feed upon grass which grows in the water upon the
banks of the sand. These banks, or shelves, for their pleasant
green do here resemble the delightful meadows of the United
62 MANNER OF FISHING FOR TORTOISES
Provinces. Their eggs are almost like unto those of the
crocodile, but without any shell, being only covered with a
thin membrane or film. They are found in such prodigious
quantities along the sandy shores of those countries that,
were they not frequently destroyed by birds, the sea would
infinitely abound with tortoises.
These creatures have certain customary places whither they
repair every year to lay their eggs. The chiefest of these
places are the three islands called Caymanes, situated in the
latitude of 20 degrees and 15 minutes North, being at the
distance of five-and-forty-leagues from the isle of Cuba, on:
the Northern side thereof.
It is a thing much deserving consideration how the tortoises
can find out these islands. Jl*or the greatest part of them come
from the Gulf of Honduras, distant thence the whole space of
150 leagues. Certain it is, that many times the ships, having
lost their latitude through the darkness of the weather, have
steered their course only by the noise of tortoises swimming
that way, and have arrived unto those isles. When their
season of hatching is past, they retire towards the island of
Cuba, where are many good places that afford them food.
But while they are at the islands of Caymanes, they eat very
little or nothing. When they have been about the space of
one month in the seas of Cuba, and are grown fat, the Span-
iards go out to fish for them, they being then to be taken in
such abundance that they provide with them sufficiently their
cities, towns, and villages. Their manner of taking them is by
making with a great nail a certain kind of dart. This they fix
at the end of a long stick or pole, with which they wound the
tortoises, as with a dagger, whensoever they appear above
water to breathe fresh air.
The inhabitants of New Spain and Campeche lade their
principal sorts of merchandizes in ships of great bulk; and
with these they exercise their commerce to and fro. The
vessels from Campeche in winter-time set out towards Caracas,
Trinity Isles, and that of Margarita. For in summer the
winds are contrary, though very favourable to return unto
Campeche, as they use to do at the beginning of that season.
The Pirates are not ignorant of these times, being very dexterous
in searching out all places and circumstances most suitable
to their designs. Hence in the places and seasons afore-
FRANCOIS ATTACKS PEARL-FISHERS 63
mentioned, they cruize upon the said ships for some while.
But, in case they can perform nothing, and that fortune does
not favour them with some prize or other, after holding a
council thereupon, they commonly enterprize things very
desperate. Of these their resolutions I shall give you one
instance very remarkable. One certain Pirate, whose name
was Pierre Francois or Peter Francis, happened to be a long
time at sea with his boat and six-and-twenty persons, waiting
for the ships that were to return from Maracaibo towards
Campeche. Not being able to find anything, nor get any prey,
at last he resolved to direct his course to Rancherias, which is
nigh unto the river called De la Plata, in the latitude of
twelve-degrees-and-a-half North. In this place lies a rich
bank of pearl, to the fishery whereof they yearly send from
Cartagena a fleet of a dozen vessels, with a man-of-war for
their defence. Every vessel has at least a couple of negroes in
it, who are very dexterous in diving, even to the depths of six
fathoms within the sea, whereabouts they find good store of
pearls. Upon this fleet of vessels, though small, called the
Pearl Fleet, Pierre Francois resolved to adventure rather than
go home with empty hands. They rode at anchor, at that
time, at the mouth of the river De la Hacha, the man-of-war
being scarce half-a-league distant from the small ships, and
the wind very calm. Having espied them in this posture, he
presently pulled down his sails and rowed along the coast,
dissembling to be a Spanish vessel that came from Maracaibo
and only passed that way. But, no sooner was he come unto
the Pearl Bank, when suddenly he assaulted the Vice-Admiral
of the said fleet, mounted with 8 guns and three-score men well
armed, commanding them to surrender, But the Spaniards,
running to their arms, did do what they could to defend them-
selves, fighting for some while ; till at last they were constrained
to submit unto the Pirate. Being thus possessed of the Vice-
Admiral, he resolved next to adventure with some other
stratagem upon the man-of-war, thinking thereby to get
strength sufficient to master the rest of the fleet. With this
intent he presently sank his own boat in the river; and,
putting forth the Spanish colours, weighed anchor; with
a little wind they began to stir, having with promises and
menaces compelled most of the Spaniards to assist him in
his design. But no sooner did the man-of-war perceive one
64 SURRENDER TO THE MAN-OF-WAR
of his fleet to set sail when he did so too, fearing lest the
mariners should have any design to run away with the vessel
and riches they had on board. This caused the Pirates
immediately to give over that dangerous enterprize, as think-
ing themselves unable to encounter force to force with the said
man-of-war that now came against them. Hereupon they
attempted to get out of the river and gain the open seas with
the riches they had taken, by making as much sail as possibly
the vessel would bear. This being perceived by the man-of-
war, he presently gave ’um chase. But the Pirates, having
laid on too much sail, and a gust of wind suddenly arising,
had their main-mast blown down by the board, which
disabled ’um from prosecuting their escape.
This unhappy event much encouraged those that were in
the man-of-war, they advancing and gaining upon the Pirates
every moment ; by which means at last they were overtaken.
But, these notwithstanding, finding themselves still with
two-and-twenty persons sound, the rest being either killed or
wounded, resolved to defend themselves so long as it were
possible. This they performed very courageously for some
while, until thereunto forced by the man-of-war, they were
compelled to surrender. Yet was not this done without
articles, which the Spaniards were glad to allow them, as
follows: That they should not use them as slaves, forcing
them to carry or bring stones or employing them in other
labours for three or four years, as they commonly employ
their negroes. But that they should set them on shore upon
free land, without doing them harm in their bodies. Upon
these articles they delivered themselves, with all that they
had taken, which was worth only in pearls to the value of
above 100,000 pieces-of-eight, besides the vessel, provisions,
goods, and Sther things. All which being put together would
have made unto this Pirate one of the greatest prizes he could
desire ; which he had obtained, had it not been for the loss of
his main-mast, as was said before.
Another bold attempt, not unlike unto that which I have
related nor less remarkable, I shall also give you at present.
A certain Pirate, born in Portugal and from the name of his
country called Bartholomew Portugues, was cruizing in his
boat from Jamaica (wherein he had only thirty men and four
small guns) upon the Cape de Corrientes, in the island of Cuba.
AEDES}
BARTOLOMEW PORTUG
AD ia
—— > 3
- a
‘ as
et
\o se
. : | :
. dail
BARTHOLOMEW PORTUGUES 67
In this place he met with a great ship that came from Mara-
caibo and Cartegena, bound for the Havana, well provided with
twenty great guns and threescore-and-ten men, between
passengers and mariners. This ship he presently assaulted, but
found as strongly defended by them that were on board.
The Pirate escaped the first encounter, resolving to attack her
more vigorously than before, seeing he had sustained no great
damage hitherto. This resolution he boldly performed,
renewing his assaults so often till that, after a long and
dangerous fight, he became master of the great vessel. The
Portuguese lost only ten men and had four wounded, so
that he had still remaining twenty fighting men, whereas the
Spaniards had double the same number. Having possessed
themselves of such a ship, and the wind being contrary to
return unto Jamaica, they resolved to steer their course
towards the Cape of Saint Antony (which lies on the Western
side of the isle of Cuba), there to repair themselves and
take in fresh water, of which they had great necessity at
that time.
Being now very near unto the cape above-mentioned, they
unexpectedly met with three great ships that were coming
from New Spain and bound for the Havana. By these, as
not being able to escape, they were easily retaken, both ship
and Pirates. Thus they were all made prisoners through the
sudden change of fortune, and found themselves poor, op-
pressed, and stripped of all the riches they had purchased! so
little before. The cargo of this ship consisted of 120,000 weight
of coco-nuts, the chiefest ingredient of that rich liquor called
chocolate, and threescore-and-ten thousand pieces-of-eight.
Two days after this misfortune, there happened to arise an
huge and dangerous tempest, which largely separated the
ships from one another. The great vessel, wherein the Pirates
were, arrived at Campeche, where many considerable merchants
came to salute and welcome the Captain thereof. These
presently knew the Portuguese Pirate, as being him who had
committed innumerable excessive insolences upon those coasts,
not only infinite murders and robberies but also lamentable
1 Obsolete use of the word ‘ purchase’ (vb. and noun), originally
“the action of hunting; the chase; the catching or seizing of prey’
(N.E.D.): hence pillage, plunder, booty. Frequently used throughout
this book and other early books on the Buccaneers.
\
68 CAPTURE: OF PORTUGUES
ancendiums1, which those of Campeche still preserved very
fresh in their memory.
Hereupon, the next day after their arrival, the magistrates
of the city sent several of their officers to demand and take
into custody the criminal prisoners from on board the ship,
with intent to punish them according to their deserts.
Yet, fearing lest the Captain of those Pirates should escape
out of their hands on shore (as he had formerly done, being
once their prisoner in the city before), they judged it more
convenient to leave him safely guarded on board the ship
for the present. In the meanwhile they caused a gibbet
to be erected, whereupon to hang him the very next day,
without any other form of process than to lead him from
the ship unto the place of punishment. The rumour of
this future tragedy was presently brought unto Bartholo-
mew Portugues’ ears, whereby he sought all the means he
could to escape that night. With this design he took two
earthen jars, wherein the Spaniards usually carry wine from
Spain unto the West Indies, and stopped them very well,
intending to use them for swimming, as those who are unskil-
ful in that art do calabashes, a sort of pumpkins, in Spain, and
in other places empty bladders. Having made this necessary
preparation, he waited for the night, when all should be asleep,
even the sentry that guarded him. But, seeing he could not
escape his vigilancy, he secretly purchased a knife, and with
the same gave him such a mortal stab as suddenly deprived
him of life and the possibility of making any noise. At that
instant he committed himself to sea, with those two earthen
jars before-mentioned, and by their help and support, though
never having learned to swim, he reached the shore. Being
arrived upon land, without any delay he took his refuge
in the woods, where he hid himself for three days, with-
out daring to appear, nor eating any other food than wild
herbs.
Those of the city failed not the next day to make a diligent
search for him in the woods, where they concluded him to be.
This strict inquiry Portugues had the convenience to espy
from the hollow of a tree, wherein he lay absconded. Hence
perceiving them to return without finding what they sought
for, he adventured to sally forth towards the coasts called Del
1 Conflagrations. So-used in Howell, Parthenop. [1654], Preface.
ESCAPE OF PORTUGUES 69
Golfo Triste, forty leagues distant from the city of Campeche.
Hither he arrived within a fortnight after his escape from the
ship. In which space of time, as also afterwards, he endured
extreme hunger, thirst, and fears of falling again into the hands
of the Spaniards. For during all this journey he had no other
provision with him than a small calabash, with a little water ;
neither did he eat anything else than a few shell-fish, which he
found among the rocks nigh the sea-shore. Besides that, he
was compelled to pass yet some rivers, not knowing well to
swim. Being in this distress, he found an old board which the
waves had thrown upon the shore, wherein did stick a few great
nails. These he took, and with no small labour whetted
against a stone, until that he had made them capable of cutting
like unto knives, though very imperfectly. With these, and
no better instruments, he cut down some branches of trees,
the which with twigs and osiers he joined together, and made
as well as he coulda boat, or rather a raft!,wherewith he rafted?
over the rivers. Thus he arrived finally at the Cape of Golfo
Triste, as was said before, where he happened to find a certain
vessel of Pirates, who were great comrades of his own, and were
lately come from Jamaica.
Unto these Pirates he instantly related all his adversities and
misfortunes, and withal demanded of them that they would
fit him with a boat and 20 men. With which company alone
he promised to return to Campeche and assault the ship that
was in the river, by which he had been taken, and escaped
fourteen days before. They readily granted his request, and
equipped him a boat with the said number of men. With this
small company he set forth towards the execution of his design,
which he bravely performed eight days after he separated from
his comrades at the Cape of Golfo Triste. For, being arrived
at the river of Campeche, with an undaunted courage and
without any rumour of noise he assaulted the ship before-
mentioned. Those that were on board were persuaded this
was a boat from land that came to bring contra banda goods ;
and hereupon were not in any posture of defence. Thus the
Pirates, laying hold on this occasion, assaulted them with-
out any fear of ill success, and in short space of time com-
pelled the Spaniards to surrender.
1 In the original ‘ wafte.’
2 In the original ‘ wafted.’ No doubt misprints.
70 ROCHE BRASILIANO
Being now masters of the ship, they immediately weighed
anchor and set sail, determining to fly from the port lest they
should be pursued by other vessels. This they did with
extremity of joy, seeing themselves possessors of such a brave
ship. Especially Portugues, their captain, who now by a
second turn of fortune’s wheel was become rich and powerful
again, who had been so lately in that same vessel a poor
miserable prisoner and condemned to the gallows. With this
great purchase he designed in his mind greater things ; which
he might well hope to obtain, seeing he had found in the vessel
great quantity of rich merchandize still remaining on board,
although the plate had been transported into thecity. Thus he
continued his voyage towards Jamaica for some days. But
coming nigh into the isle of Pinos, on the South side of the
island of Cuba, fortune suddenly turned her back unto him
once more, never to show him her countenance again. Fora
horrible storm arising at sea occasioned the ship to split against
the rocks or banks called Jardines. Insomuch that the vessel
was totally lost, and Portugues, with his companions, escaped
inacanoe. After this manner he arrived at Jamaica, where he
remained no long time, being only there till he could prepare
himself to seek his fortune anew, which from that time proved
always adverse unto him.
Nothing less rare and admirable than the preceding are the
actions of another Pirate, who at present lives at Jamaica,
and who has on sundry occasions enterprized and achieved
things very strange. The place of his birth was the city of
Groningen, in the United Provinces ; but his own proper name
is not known: the Pirates, his companions, having only given
him that of Roche Brasiliano by reason of his long residence in
the country of Brazil, whence he was forced to flee, when
the Portuguese retook those countries from the West India
Company of Amsterdam, several nations then inhabiting at
Brazil (as English, French, Dutch, and others) being con-
strained to seek new fortunes.
This fellow at that conjuncture of time retired unto Jamaica,
where, being at a stand how to get a livelihood, he entered
himself into the society of Pirates. Under these he served
in quality of a private mariner for some while, in which
degree he behaved himself so well as made him both beloved
and respected by all, as one that deserved to be their
HOGAN UU UCL cD EM
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ROCK. BRASILIANO
Maier. mina
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ona
ROCHE BRASILIANO’S CRUELTY 73
Commander for the future. One day certain mariners hap-
pened to engage in a dissension with their Captain ; the effect
whereof was that they left the boat. Brasiliano followed the
rest, and by these was chosen for their conductor and leader,
who also fitted him out a boat or small vessel, wherein he
received the title of Captain.
Few days were past from his being chosen Captain, when he
took a great ship that was coming from New Spain, on board
of which he found great quantity of plate, and both one and
the other he carried to Jamaica. This action gave him renown,
and caused him to be both esteemed and feared, every one
apprehending him much aboard. Howbeit, in his domestic
and private affairs he had no good behaviour nor government
over himself ; for in these he would oftentimes shew himself
either brutish or foolish. Many times being in drink, he
would run up and down the streets, beating or wounding
whom he met, no person daring to oppose him or make any
resistance.
Unto the Spaniards he always showed himself very bar-
barous and cruel, only out of an inveterate hatred he had
against that nation. Of these he commanded several to be
roasted alive upon wooden spits, for no other crime than that
they would not shew him the places, or hog-yards, where he
might steal swine. After many of these cruelties, it happened,
as he was cruizing upon the coasts of Campeche, that a dismal
tempest suddenly surprised him. This proved to be so violent
that at last his ship was wrecked upon the coasts, the mariners
only escaping with their muskets and some few bullets and
powder, which were the only things they could save of all that
was in the vessel. The place where the ship was lost was
precisely between Campeche and the Golfo Triste. Here they
got on shore in a canoe, and, marching along the coast with all
the speed they could, they directed their course towards
Golfo Triste, as being a place where the Pirates commonly
used to repair and refresh themselves. Being upon this
journey and all very hungry and thirsty, as is usual in desert
places, they were pursued by some Spaniards, being a whole
troop of a hundred horsemen. Brasiliano no sooner perceived
this imminent danger than he animated his companions, tell-
ing them: We had better, fellow soldiers, choose to die under
our arms fighting, as it becomes men of courage, than surrender
74 BRASILIANO SEIZES FLEET OF CANOES
unto the Spaniards, who, in case they overcome us, will take
away our lives with cruel torments. The Pirates were no more
than 30 in number, who, notwithstanding, seeing their brave
Commander oppose himself with courage unto the enemy,
resolved to do the like. Hereupon they faced the troop of
Spaniards, and discharged their muskets against them with
such dexterity that they killed one horsemen with almost
every shot. The fight continued for the space of an hour, till
at last the Spaniards were put to flight by the Pirates. They
stripped the dead, and took from them what they thought
most convenient for their use. But such as were not already
dead, they helped to quit the miseries of life with the ends of
their muskets.
Having vanquished the enemy, they all mounted on several
horses they found in the field, and continued the journey
aforementioned, Brasiliano having lost but two of his com-
panions in this bloody fight, and had two others wounded.
As they prosecuted their way, before they came unto the port
they espied a boat from Campeche, well manned, that rode at
anchor, protecting a small number of canoes that were lading
wood. Hereupon they sent a detachment of six of their
men to watch them; and these the next morning by a wild
[assault] possessed themselves of the canoes. Having given
notice unto their companions, they went all on board, and with
no great difficulty took also the boat, or little man-of-war,
their convoy. Thus having rendered themselves masters of
the whole fleet, they wanted only provisions, which they found
but very small aboard those vessels. But this defect was
supplied by the horses, which they instantly killed and salted
with salt, which by good fortune the woodcutters had brought
with them. Upon which victuals they made shift to keep
themselves until such time as they could purchase better.
These very same Pirates, I mean Brasiliano and his com-
panions, took also another ship that was going from New
Spain unto Maracaibo, laden with divers sorts of merchandize,
and a very considerable number of pieces-of-eight, which were
designed to buy coco-nuts for their lading home. All these
prizes they carried into Jamaica, where they safely arrived,
and, according to their custom, wasted in a few days in taverns
and stews all they had gotten, by giving themselves to all
manner of debauchery with strumpets and wine. Such of
DEBAUCHERY OF THE BUCCANEERS 75
these Pirates are found who will spend 2 or 3 thousand
pieces-of-eight in one night, not leaving themselves peradven-
ture a good shirt to wear on their backs in the morning. Thus
upon a certain time I saw one of them give unto a common
strumpet five hundred pieces-of-eight only that he might see
her naked. My own master would buy, on like occasions,
a whole pipe of wine, and, placing it in the street, would force
every one that passed by to drink with him; threatening
also to pistol them, in case they would not do it. At other
times he would do the same with barrels of ale or beer. And,
very often, with both his hands, he would throw these liquors
about the streets, and wet the clothes of such as walked by,
without regarding whether he spoiled their apparel or not, were
they men or women.
Among themselves, and to each other, these Pirates are
extremely liberal and free. If any one of them has lost all
his goods, which often happens in their manner of life, they
freely give him, and make him partaker of what they have. In
taverns and ale-houses they always have great credit ; but in
such houses at Jamaica they ought not to run very deep in debt,
seeing the inhabitants of that island do easily sell one another
for debt. Thus it happened unto my patron, or master, to be
sold for a debt of a tavern, wherein he had spent the greatest
part of his money. This man had, within the space of three
months before, 3000 pieces-of-eight in ready cash, all which
' he wasted in that short space of time, and became so poor as
I have told you.
But now to return to our discourse: I must let my reader
know that Brasiliano, after having spent all that he had
robbed, was constrained to go to sea again, to seek his fortune
once more. Thus he set forth towards the coast of Campeche,
his common place of rendezvous. Fifteen days after his
arrival there, he put himself into a canoe, with intent to
espy the port of that city, and see if he could rob any Spanish
vessel. But his fortune was so bad that both he and all his
men were taken prisoners, and carried into the presence of the
Governor. This man immediately cast them into a dungeon,
with full intention to hang them every person. And doubt-
less he had performed his intent, were it not for a stratagem
that Brasiliano used, which proved sufficient to save their lives.
He wrote therefore a letter unto the Governor, making him
76 LEWIS SCOT: MANSVELT: J. DAVIS
believe it came from other Pirates that were abroad at sea, and
withal telling him: He should have a care how he used those
persons he had in his custody. For in case he caused them any
harm, they did swear unto him they would never give quarter to
any person of the Spanish nation that should fall into their
hands. |
Because these Pirates had been many times at Campeche,
and in many other towns and villages of the West Indies
belonging to the Spanish dominions, the Governor began to
fear what mischief they might cause by means of their com-
panions abroad, in case he should punish them. Hereupon
he released them out of prison, exacting only an oath of them
beforehand that they would leave their exercise of piracy for
ever. And withal he sent them as common mariners, or pas-
sengers in the galleons, to Spain. They got in this voyage
altogether 500 pieces-of-eight, whereby they tarried not long
there after their arrival. But, providing themselves with
some few necessaries, they all returned unto Jamaica within
a little while ; whence they set forth again to sea, committing
greater robberies and cruelties than ever they had done
before ; but more especially abusing the poor Spaniards that
happened to fall into their hands, with all sorts of cruelty
imaginable.
# The Spaniards perceiving they could gain nothing upon
this sort of people, nor diminish their number, which rather
increased daily, resolved to diminish the number of their ships
wherein they exercised trading to and fro. But neither was
this resolution of any effect, or did them any good service.
For the Pirates, finding not so many ships at sea as before,
began to gather into greater companies and land upon the
Spanish dominions, ruining whole cities, towns, and villages ;
and withal pillaging, burning, and carrying away as much as
they could [find] possible.
The first Pirate who gave a beginning unto these invasions
by land was named Lewis Scot, who sacked and pillaged the
City of Campeche. He almost ruined the town, robbing and
destroying all he could ; and, after he had put it to the ransom
of an excessive sum of money, he left it. After Scot came
another named Mansvelt, who enterprized to set footing in
Granada, and penetrate with his piracies even unto the South
Sea. Both which things he effected, till that at last, for want of
DAVIS’ ATTACK ON NICARAGUA 77
provision, he was constrained to go back. He assaulted the
isle of Saint Catharine, which was the first land he took, and
upon it some few prisoners. These showed him the way to-
wards Cartagena, which is a principal city situate in the king-
dom of New Granada. But the bold attempts and actions of
John Davis, born at Jamaica, ought not to be forgotten in
this history, as being some of the most remarkable thereof :
especially his rare prudence and valour, wherewith he behaved
himself in the aforementioned kingdom of Granada. This
Pirate, having cruized a long time in the Gulf of Pocatauro
upon the ships that were expected from Cartagena bound for
Nicaragua, and not being able to meet any of the said ships,
resolved at last to land in Nicaragua, leaving his ship con-
cealed about the coast.
This design he presently put in execution. For taking four-
score men, out of four-score-and-ten which he had in all (the rest
being left to keep the ship), he divided them equally into three
canoes. His intent was to rob the churches, and rifle the houses
of the chief citizens of the aforesaid town of Nicaragua. Thus, in
the obscurity of the night, they mounted the river which leads
to that city, rowing with oars in their canoes. By day they
concealed themselves and boats under the branches of trees
that were upon the banks. These grow very thick and intri-
cate along the sides of the rivers in those countries, as also
along the sea-coast. Under which, likewise, those who re-
mained behind absconded their vessel, lest they should be
seen either by fishermen or Indians. After this manner they
arrived at the city the third night, where the sentry who kept
the post of the river thought them to be fishermen that had been
fishing in the lake. And as the greatest part of the Pirates are
skilful in the Spanish tongue, so he never doubted thereof as
soon as he heard them speak. They had in their company an
Indian, who had run away from his master because he would
make him a slave after having served him a long time. This
Indian went first on shore, and, rushing at the sentry, he in-
stantly killed him. Being animated with this success, they
entered into the city, and went directly to three or four houses
aa chiefest citizens, where they knocked with dissimulation.
ese, believing them to be friends, opened the doors, and the
Pirates, suddenly possessing themselves of the houses, robbed
all the money and plate they could find. Neither did they
78 DAVIS RANSACKS SAINT AUGUSTINE
spare the churches and most sacred things, all which were
_ pillaged and profaned without any respect or veneration.
In the meanwhile great cries and lamentation were heard
about the town, of some who had escaped their hands ;_ by
which means the whole city was brought into an uproar and
alarm. Hence the whole number of citizens rallied together,
intending to put themselves in defence. This being perceived
by the Pirates, they instantly put themselves to flight, carry-
ing with them all that they had robbed, and likewise some
prisoners. These they led away, to the intent that, if any of
them should happen to be taken by the Spaniards, they might
make use of them for ransom. Thus they got unto their ship,
and with all speed imaginable put out to sea, forcing the
prisoners, before they would let them go, to procure them as
much flesh as they thought necessary for their voyage to
Jamaica. But, no sooner had they weighed anchor, when they
saw on shore a troop of about five hundred Spaniards, all
being very well armed, at the sea-side. Against these they let
fly several guns, wherewith they forced them to quit the sands
and retire towards home, with no small regret to see those
Pirates carry away so much plate of their churches and houses,
though distant at least 40 leagues from the sea.
These Pirates robbed on this occasion above 4000 pieces-of-
eight in ready money, besides great quantities of plate uncoined
and many jewels. All which was computed to be worth the sum
of 50,000 pieces-of-eight or more. With this great purchase
they arrived at Jamaica soon after the exploit. But, as this sort
of people are never masters of their money but a very little
while, so were they soon constrained to seek more, by the
same means they had used before. This adventure caused
Captain John Davis, presently after his return, to be chosen
Admiral of seven or eight boats of Pirates, he being now es-
teemed by common consent an able conductor for such enter-
prizes as these were. He began the exercise of this new
command by directing his fleet towards the coasts of the north
of Cuba, there to wait for the fleet which was to pass from New
Spain. But, not being able to find anything by this design,
they determined to go towards the coasts of Florida. Being
arrived there, they landed part of their men, and sacked a
small city named Saint Augustine of Florida, the castle ot
which place had a garrison of 200 men, the which, notwith-
END OF THE FIRST PART 9
standing, could not prevent the pillage of the city, they effect-
ing it without receiving the least damage from either soldiers
or townsmen./
Hitherto we have spoken in the First Part of this book
of the constitution of the islands of Hispaniola and Tortuga,
their peculiarities and inhabitants ; as also of the fruits to be
found in those countries. In the Second Part of this work
we shall bend our discourse to describe the actions of two of
the most famous Pirates, who committed many horrible
crimes and inhuman cruelties against the Spanish nation.
The End of the First Part
. 4 i 2 Paty . * oS
PART II
CHAPTER I
Origin of Francis L’Ollonais, and beginning of his robberies
Z Francis L’OLLonals was native of that territory in France
which is called Les Sables d’Ollone, or the Sands of Ollone.
In his youth he was transported to the Caribbee Islands, in
quality of a servant or slave, according to the custom of France
and other countries ; of which we have already spoken in the
First Part of this book. Being out of his time, when he had
obtained his freedom, he came into the isle of Hispaniola.
Here he placed himself for some while among the hunters,
before he began his robberies against the Spaniards, whereof
I shall make mention at present, until his unfortunate death.
At first he made two or three voyages in quality of a common
mariner, wherein he behaved himself so courageously as to
deserve the favour and esteem of the Governor of Tortuga,
who was then Monsieur de la Place. Insomuch that this
gentleman gave him a ship, and made him captain thereof, to
the intent he might seek his fortune. This Dame shewed
herself very favourable to him at the beginning, for in a short
while he purchased great riches. “But, withal, his cruelties
against the Spaniards were such as that the very fame of them
made him known through the whole Indies. For which rea-
son the Spaniards, in his time, whensoever they were attacked
by sea, would choose rather to die or sink fighting than surren-
der, as knowing they should have no mercy nor quarter at his
hands. But as Fortune is seldom constant, so after some time
she turned her back unto him. The beginning of whose
disasters was, that in a huge storm he lost his ship upon the
coasts of Campeche. The men were all saved; but, coming
upon dry land, the Spaniards pursued them, and killed the
_ greatest part, wounding also L’Ollonais, their captain. Not
knowing how to escape, he thought to save his life by a strata-
G 81
82 ESCAPE OF L’OLLONAIS
gem. Hereuponhe took several handfuls of sand and mingled
them with the blood of his own wounds, with which he be-
smeared his face and other parts of his body. Then, hiding
himself dexterously among the dead, he continued there till
the Spaniards had quitted the field.
After they were gone, he retired into the woods, and bound
up his wounds as well as he could. These being by the help
of nature pretty well healed, he took his way to the city of
Campeche, having perfectly disguised himself in Spanish
habit. Here he spoke with certain slaves, unto whom he
promised their liberty in case they would obey him and trust
in his conduct. They accepted his promises, and, stealing one
night a canoe from one of their masters, they went to sea with
the Pirate. The Spaniards in the meanwhile had made
prisoner several of his companions, whom they kept in close
dungeons in the city, while L’Ollonais went about the town
and saw all that passed. These were often asked by the
Spaniards: What is become of your Captain ?, unto whom
they constantly answered: He is dead. With which news
the Spaniards were hugely gladded, and made great
demonstrations of joy, kindling bonfires, and, [like] as them
that knew nothing to the contrary, giving thanks to God
Almighty for their deliverance from such a cruel Pirate.
L’Ollonais, having seen these joys for his death, made haste
to escape with the slaves above-mentioned, and came safe to
Tortuga, the common place of refuge of all sorts of wickedness,
and the seminary, as it were, of all manner of Pirates and
thieves. Though now his fortune was but low, yet he failed
not of means to get another ship, which with craft and subtlety
he obtained, and in it one-and-twenty persons. Being well
provided with arms and other necessaries, he set forth towards
the isle of Cuba, on the South side whereof lies a small village,
which is called De los Cayos. The inhabitants of this town
drive a great trade in tobacco, sugar, and hides—and all in
boats, as not being able to make use of ships by reason of the
little depth of that sea.
L’Ollonais was greatly persuaded he should get here some
considerable prey ; but, by the good fortune of some fishermen
who saw him and the mercy of the Almighty, they escaped
his tyrannical hands. For the inhabitants of the town of
Cayos despatched immediately a messenger overland unto
(ee
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LOLONOTS.
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“FRANCIS
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AWAIT
L’OLLONAIS’ CRUELTY 85
Havana, complaining unto the Governor that L’Ollonais was
come to destroy them, with two canoes. The Governor could
very hardly be persuaded unto the truth of this story, seeing
he had received letters from Campeche that he was dead.
Notwithstanding, at the importunity of the petitioners he sent a
ship to their relief, with 10 guns and fourscore-and-ten persons,
well armed; giving them withal this express command :
They should not return unto his presence without having totally
destroyed those Pirates. Unto this effect he gave them also a
negro, who might serve them for a hangman ; his orders being
that They should immediately hang every one of the said Pirates
excepting L’Ollonais their Captain, whom they should bring
alive unto Havana. This ship arrived at Cayos; of whose
coming the Pirates were advertised beforehand ; and, instead
of flying, went to seek the said vessel in the river Estera, where
she rode atanchor. The Pirates apprehended some fishermen,
and forced them by night to shew the entry of the port, hoping
soon to obtain a greater vessel than their two canoes, and
thereby to mend their fortune. They arrived, after two
o'clock in the morning, very nigh unto the ship. And the
watch on board the ship asking them: Whence they came,
and if they had seen any Pirates abroad, they caused one of the
prisoners to answer: They had seen no Pirates, nor anything
else. Which answer brought them into persuasion that they
were fled away, having heard of their coming.
But they experienced very soon the contrary; for about
break of day the Pirates began to assault the vessel on both
sides with their two canoes. This attack they performed with
such vigour that, although the Spaniards behaved themselves
as they ought and made as good defence as they could, shooting
against them likewise some great guns, yet they were forced to
surrender, after being beaten by the Pirates, with swords in
hand, down under the hatches. Hence L’Ollonais, com-
manded them to be brought up one by one, and in this order
caused their heads to be struck off. Among the rest came up
the negro, designed to be the Pirates’ executioner by the
Governor of Havana. This fellow implored mercy at his
hands very dolefully, desiring not to be killed, and telling
L’Ollonais he was constituted hangman of that ship ; and that,
in case he would spare him, he would tell him faithfully all
that he should desire to know. L’Ollonais made him confess
36 LOLLONATS RETURNS LO PORTEUGA
as many things as he thought fit to ask him ; and, having done,
commanded him to be murdered with the rest. “Thus he
cruelly and barbarously put them all to death, reserving of the
whole number only one alive, whom he sent back to the
Governor of Havana, with this message given him in writing :
I shall never henceforward give quarter to any Spaniard
whatsoever ; and I have great hopes I shall execute on your
own person the very same punishment I have done upon
them you sent against me. Thus I have retaliated the kindness
you designed unto me and my companions. The Governor
was much troubled to understand these sad and withal insolent
news ; which occasioned him to swear, in the presence of many,
he would never grant quarter unto any Pirate that should fall
into hishands. But the citizens of Havana desired him not to
persist in the execution of that rash and rigorous oath, seeing
the Pirates would certainly take occasion thence to do the same ;
and they had an hundred times more opportunity of revenge
than he : that, being necessitated to get their livelihood by fishery,
they should hereafter always be in danger of losing their lives.
By these reasons he was persuaded to bridle his anger, and
remit the severity of his oath aforementioned.
Now L’Ollonais had got himself a good ship, but withal
very few provisions and people in it. Hereupon, to purchase
both the one and the other, he resolved to use his customary
means of cruizing from one port to another. Thus he did for
some while, till at last, not being able to purchase anything, he
determined to go unto the port of Maracaibo. Here he took
by surprize a ship that was laden with plate and other merchan-
dize, being outward bound to buy cacao-nuts. With these
prizes he returned unto Tortuga, where he was received with no
small joy by the inhabitants, they congratulating his happy
success and their own private interest. He continued not
long there, but pitched upon new designs of equipping a whole
fleet, sufficient to transport 500 men, with all other necessaries.
With these preparations he resolved to go unto the Spanish
dominions, and pillage both cities, towns, and villages, and
finally take Maracaibo itself. For this purpose, he knew the
island of Tortuga would afford him many resolute and cour-
ageous men, very fit for such enterprizes. Besides that, he
had in his service several prisoners, who were exactly acquainted
with the ways and places he designed upon.
CHAPTER II
L’Ollonais equips a fleet to land upon the Spanish islands of
America, with intent to rob, sack, and burn whatever he meets
“ox this his design L’Ollonais gave notice unto all the Pirates
who at that conjuncture of time were either at home or abroad ;
by which means he got together in a little while above 400
men. Besides which, there was at that present in the isle of
Tortuga another Pirate, whose name was Michael de Basco.
This man by his piracy had gotten riches sufficient to live at
ease and go no more abroad to sea; having withal the office
of Major of the island. Yet, seeing the great preparations
that L’Ollonais made for this expedition, he entered into a
straight league of friendship with him, and proffered unto him
that, in case he would make him his chief Captain by land
(seeing he knew the country very well and all its avenues), he
would take part in his fortunes, and go along with him. They
both agreed upon articles, with great joy of L’Ollonais, as
knowing that Basco had performed great actions in Europe,
and had gained the repute of a good soldier. He gave him,
therefore, the contmand he desired, and the conduct of all his
people by land. Thus they all embarked in eight vessels, that
of L’Ollonais being the greatest, as having ten guns of in-
different! carriage.
All things being in readiness, and the whole company on
board, they set sail together about the end of April, having a
considerable number of men for those parts, that is in all six-
hundred and-threescore persons. They directed their course
towards that part which is called Bayala, situated on the North
side of the island of Hispaniola. Here they also took into
their company a certain number of French hunters, who volun-
tarily offered themselves to go along with them. And here
likewise they provided themselves with victuals and other
necessaries for that voyage.
1 Here in the sense of ‘unimportant’, ‘ordinary’; cf. Shakespeare,
Taming of the Shrew, I, ii, 181: ‘ Their garters of an indifferent knit.’
87
88 TAKES TWO SPANISH SHIPS
Hence they set sail again the last day of July, and steered
directly towards the Eastern Cape of the isle called Punta
d’Espada. Hereabouts they suddenly espied a ship that was
coming from Porto Rico and bound for New Spain, being laden
with coco-nuts. L’Ollonais, the Admiral, presently commanded
the rest of the fleet they should wait for him nigh unto the
isle of Savona, situate on the Eastern side of Cape Punta
d’Espada, forasmuch as he alone intended to go and take the
said vessel, The Spaniards, although they had been in sight
now full two hours, and knew them to be Pirates, yet they
would not flee, but rather prepared to fight, as being well
armed, and provided of all things necessary thereunto. Thus
the combat began between L’Ollonais and the Spanish vessel,
which lasted three hours ; and, these being past, they sur-
rendered unto him. This ship was mounted with 16 guns, and
had 50 fighting men on board. They found in her 120,000 weight
of cacao, 40,000 pieces-of-eight, and the value of 10,000 more
in jewels. L’Ollonais sent the vessel presently unto Tortuga
to be unladed, with orders to return with the said ship as
soon as possible to the isle of Savona, where he would
wait for their coming. In the meanwhile the rest of the
fleet, being arrived at the said island of Savona, met with
another Spanish vessel that was coming from Comana with
military provisions unto the isle of Hispaniola, and also with
money to pay the garrisons of the said island. This vessel
also they took without any resistance, although mounted with
eight guns. Here were found seven thousand-weight of
powder, great number of muskets and other things of this
kind together, with 12,000 pieces-of-eight in ready money.
These forementioned events gave good encouragement unto
the Pirates, as judging them very good beginnings unto the
business they had in hand, especially finding their fleet pretty
well recruited within a little while. For, the first ship that
was taken being arrived at Tortuga, the Governor ordered to
be instantly unladen, and soon after sent her back with fresh
provisions and other necessaries unto L’Ollonais. This ship
he chose for his own, and gave that which he commanded unto
his comrade Antony du Puis. Thus having received new
recruits of men, in lieu of them he had lost in taking the prizes
above-mentioned and by sickness, he found himself in a good
condition to prosecute his voyage. All being well animated
L’OLLONAIS SAILS FOR MARACAIBO 89
and full of courage, they set sail for Maracaibo, which port is
situated in the province of New Venezuela, in the latitude of
twelve degrees and some minutes North. This island is in
length twenty leagues, and twelve in breadth. Unto this
port also belong the islands of Onega and Monges. The East
side thereof is called Cape St Roman, and the Western side
Cape of Caquibacoa. The gulf is called by some the Gulf
of Venezuela, but the Pirates usually call it the Bay of
Maracaibo.
At the beginning of this gulf are two islands, which extend
for the greatest part from East to West. That [which] lies
towards the East is called Isla de las Vigilias, or the Watch
Isle, because in the middle thereof is to be seen a high hill, upon
which stands a house wherein dwells perpetually a watchman.
The other is called Isla de las Palomas, or the Isle of Pigeons.
Between these two islands runs a little sea, or rather a lake, of
fresh water, being three-score leagues in length and 30 in
breadth ; which disgorges into the ocean, and dilates itself
about the two islands aforementioned. Between them is
found the best passage for ships, the channel of this passage
being no broader than the flight of a great gun of eight pound
carriage, more or less. Upon the Isle of Pigeons stands a
castle to impede the entry of any vessels; all such as will
come in being necessitated to approach very nigh unto the
castle, by reason of two banks of sand that lie on the other
side, with only 14 foot water. Many other banks of sand are
also found in this lake, as that which is called El Tablazo, or
The Great Table, which is no deeper than ten foot ; but this
lies forty leagues within the lake. Others there are that are no
more than 6, 7, or 8 foot in depth. All of them are very
dangerous, especially unto such mariners as are little ac-
quainted with this lake. On the West side hereof is situated
the city of Maracaibo, being very pleasant to the view, by
reason its houses are built along the shore, having delicate
prospects everywhere round about. The city may possibly
contain three or four thousand persons, the slaves being
included in this number; all which do make a town of a
reasonable bigness. Among these are judged to be eight
hundred persons, more or less, able to bear arms, all of them
Spaniards. Here are also one Parish Church, of very good
fabric and well adorned, four monasteries, and one hospital.
go THE ISLAND OF BORRICA
The city is governed by a Deputy-Governor, who is sub-
stituted here by the Governor of Caracas, as being his depen-
dency. The commerce or trading here exercised consists for
the greatest part in hides and tobacco. The inhabitants
possess great numbers of cattle and many plantations,
which extend for the space of thirty leagues within the country,
especially on that side that looks towards the great and
populous town of Gibraltar. At which place are gathered
huge quantities of cacao-nuts, and all other sorts of garden-
fruits, which greatly serve for the regalement and sustenance
of the inhabitants of Maracaibo, whose territories are much
drier than those of Gibraltar. Unto this place those of
Maracaibo send great quantities of flesh ; they making returns ~
in oranges, lemons, and several other fruits. For the in-
habitants of Gibraltar have great scarcity of provisions of
flesh, their fields being not capable of feeding cows or sheep.
Before the city of Maracaibo lies a very spacious and secure
port, wherein may be built all sort of vessels; as having
great convenience of timber, which may be transported thither
at very little charge. Nigh unto the town lies also a small
island called Borrica, which serves them to feed great numbers
of goats, of which cattle the inhabitants of Maracaibo make
greater use of their skins than their flesh or milk ; they mak-
ing no great account of these two, unless while they are as yet
but tender and young kids. In the fields about the town are
fed some numbers of sheep, but of a very small size. In some
of the islands that belong unto the lake, and in other places
hereabouts, do inhabit many savage Indians, whom the
Spaniards call bravos, or Wild. These Indians could never
agree as yet, nor be reduced to any accord with the Spaniards,
by reason of their brutish and untamable nature. They dwell
for the most part towards the Western side of the lake, in
little huts that are built upon trees which grow in the water,
the cause hereof being only to exempt themselves as much as
possible from the innumerable quantity of mosquitos or gnats
that infest those parts, and by which they are tormented night
and day. Towards the East side of the said lake are also to
be seen whole towns of fishermen, who likewise are con-
strained to live in huts, built upon trees, like unto the former.
Another reason of thus dwelling is the frequent inundations
of waters ; for, after great rains, the land is often overflowed
GIBRALTAR; MERIDA gt
for the space of 2 or 3 leagues, there being no less than five-
and-twenty great rivers that feed this lake. The town of
Gibraltar is also frequently drowned by these inundations,
insomuch that the inhabitants are constrained to leave their
houses and retire unto their plantations.
Gibraltar is situated at the side of the lake, forty leagues or
thereabouts within it, and receives its necessary provisions
of flesh, as has been said, from Maracaibo. The town is
inhabited by 1500 persons, more or less, whereof 400 may be
capable of bearing arms. The greatest part of the inhabitants
keep open shops, wherein they exercise one mechanic trade or
other. All the adjacent fields about this town are cultivated
with numerous plantations of sugar and cacao, in which are
many tall and beautiful trees, of whose timber houses may be
built, and also ships. Among these trees are found great
store of handsome and proportionable cedars, being seven or
eight foot in circumference, which serve there very commonly
to build’ boats and ships. These they build after such
manner as to bear one only great sail; and such vessels
are called piraguas. The whole country round about is
sufficiently furnished with rivers and brooks, which are
very useful to the inhabitants in time of droughts, they
opening in that occasion many little channels, through which
they lead the rivulets to water their fields and plantations.
They plant in like manner great quantity of tobacco, which
is much esteemed in Europe ; and for its goodness is called
there Tabaco de Sacerdotes, or Priests’ Tobacco. They enjoy
nigh twenty leagues of jurisdiction, which is bounded and
defended by very high mountains that are perpetually covered
- with snow. On the other side of these mountains is situated
a great city called Merida, unto which the town of Gibraltar
is subject. All sort of merchandize is carried from this
town unto the aforesaid city upon mules ; and that but at one
season of the year, by reason of the excessive cold endured in
those high mountains. Upon the said mules great returns
are made in flour of meal, which comes from towards Peru by
the way of Estaffe.
Thus far I thought it convenient to make a short descrip-
tion of the aforesaid lake of Maracaibo, and its situation; to
the intent my reader might the better be enabled to compre-
hend what I shall say concerning what was acted by the
92 L’OLLONAITS CAPTURES THE FORT
Pirates in this place, the history whereof I shall presently
begin.
As soon as L‘Ollonais arrived at the Gulf of Venezuela, he
cast anchor with his whole fleet, out of sight of the watch-
tower of the island of Vigilias, or Watch Isle. The next day,
very early, he set sail hence, with all his ships, for the lake of
Maracaibo ; where, being arrived, they cast anchor the second
time. Soon after, they landed all their men, with design to
attack in the first place the castle or fortress that commanded
the bar, and is therefore called Dela Barra. This fort consists
only of several great baskets of earth, placed upon a rising
ground, upon which are planted sixteen great guns, with several
other heaps of earth round about, for covering the men within.
The Pirates, having landed at a distance of a league from this
fort, began to advance by degrees towards it. But the
Governor thereof, having espied their landing, had placed an
ambuscade of some of his men, with design to cut them off
behind, while he meant to attack them in the front. This
ambuscade was found out by the Pirates; and, hereupon
getting before, they assaulted and defeated it so entirely that
not one man could retreat unto the castle. This obstacle
being removed, L‘Ollonais with all his companions advanced
in great haste towards the fort. And after a fight of almost
three hours, wherein they behaved themselves with desperate
courage, such as this sort of people are used to show, they
became masters thereof, having made use of no other arms than
their swords and pistols. And, while they were fighting,
those who were routed in the ambuscade, not being able to get
into the castle, retired towards the city of Maracaibo in great
confusion and disorder, crying: The Pirates will presently
be here with two-thousand men and more. ‘This city, having
formerly been taken by such kind of people as these were,
and sacked even to the remotest corners thereof, pre-
served still in its memory a fresh zdea of that misery. Here-
upon, as soon as they heard this dismal news, they endeavoured
to escape as fast as they could towards Gibraltar in their boats
and canoes, carrying with them all the goods and money they
could. Being come to Gibraltar, they dispersed the rumours
that the fortress was taken, and that nothing had been saved,
nor any person able to escape the fury of the Pirates.
The castle being taken by the Pirates, as was said before,
PIRATES MARCH INTO MARACAIBO 93
they presently made sign unto the ships of the victory they
had obtained, to the end they should come farther in, without
apprehension of any danger. The rest of that day was spent
in ruining and demolishing the said castle. They nailed the
guns, and burnt as much as they could not carry away ; bury-
ing also the dead, and sending on board the fleet such as were
wounded. The next day very early in the morning they
weighed anchor, and directed their course all together towards
the city of Maracaibo, distant only 6 leagues more or less from
the fort. But the wind being very scarce, that day they
could advance but little, as being forced to expect the
flowing of the tide. The next morning they came within
sight of the town, and began to make preparations for landing
under the protection of their own guns, being persuaded the
Spaniards might have laid an ambuscade among the trees and
woods. Thus they put their men into canoes, which for that
purpose they brought with them, and landed where they
thought most convenient, shooting in the meanwhile very
furiously with their great guns. Of the people that were in
the canoes, half only went on shore; the other half re-
mained on board the said canoes. They fired with their
guns from the ships as fast as was possible towards the woody
part of the shore; but could see, and were answered by,
nobody. Thus they marched in good order into the town,
whose inhabitants, as I told you before, were all retired into
the woods, and towards Gibraltar, with their wives, children,
and families. Their houses they left well provided with all
sort of victuals, such as flour, bread, pork, brandy, wines, and
good store of poultry. With these things the Pirates fell to
banqueting and making good cheer ; for in four weeks before
they had had no opportunity of filling their stomachs with
such plenty.
They instantly possessed themselves of the best houses in
the town, and placed sentries everywhere they thought
convenient. The great church served them for their main
corps du garde. The next day they sent a body of 160 men
to find out some of the inhabitants of the town, whom they
understood were hidden in the woods not far thence. These
returned that very night, bringing with them 20,000 pieces-of-
eight, several mules laden with household goods and merchan-
dize, and 20 prisoners, between men, women, and children.
94, PIRATES PROCEED TO GIBRALTAR
Some of these prisoners were put to the rack, only to make
them confess where they had hidden the rest of their goods ;
but they could extort very little from them. L’Ollonais,
who never used to make any great account of murdering,
though in cold blood, ten or twelve Spaniards, drew his
cutlass and hacked one to pieces in the presence of all the
rest, saying : If you do not confess and declare where you have
hidden the rest of your goods, I will do the like to all your com-
panions. At last, amongst these horrible cruelties and in-
human threats, one was found who promised to conduct him
and show the place where the rest of the Spaniards were hidden.
But those that were fled, having intelligence that one had
discovered their lurking holes unto the Pirates, changed place,
and buried all the remnant of their riches underground, inso-
much that the Pirates could not find them out, unless some
other person of their own party should reveal them. Besides
that, the Spaniards, flying from one place to another every
day and often changing woods, were jealous even of each
other, insomuch as the father scarce presumed to trust his
own son.
Finally, after that the Pirates had been fifteen days in
Maracaibo, they resolved to go towards Gibraltar. But the
inhabitants of this place, having received intelligence thereof
beforehand, as also that they intended afterwards to go to
Merida, gave notice of this design to the Governor thereof, who
was a valiant soldier and had served his king in Flanders in
many military offices. His answer was: He would have
them take no care ; for he hoped in a little while to exterminate
the said Pirates. Whereupon he transferred himself immedi-
ately unto Gibraltar, with 400 men well armed, ordering at
the same time the inhabitants of the said town to put them-
selves in arms; so that in all he made a body of 800 fighting
men. With the same speed he commanded a battery to be
raised towards the sea, whereon he mounted 20 guns, covering
them all with great baskets of earth. Another battery like-
wise he placed in another place, mounted with 8 guns. After
this was done, he barricaded a highway or narrow passage
into the town, through which the Pirates of necessity ought
to pass; opening at the same time another, through much
dirt and mud, in the wood, which was totally unknown to the
Pirates.
THE PIRATES ATTACK GIBRALTAR 95
The Pirates, not knowing anything of these preparations,
having embarked all their prisoners and what they had robbed,
took their way towards Gibraltar. Being come within sight
of the place, they perceived the Royal standard hanging forth,
and that those of the town had a mind to fight and defend
their houses. L’Ollonais, seeing this resolution, called a
council of war, to deliberate what he ought to do in such case ;
propounding withal unto his officers and marines, that the
difficulty of such an enterprize was very great, seeing the
Spaniards had had so much time to put themselves in a posture
of defence, and had gotten a good body of men together, with
many martial provisions. But notwithstanding, said he, have
@ good courage. We must either defend ourselves like good
soldiers, or lose our lives with all the riches we have gotten. Do
as I shall do, who am your Captain. At other times we have
fought with fewer men than we have in our company at present,
and yet we have overcome greater numbers than there possibly
can be in this town. The more they are, the more glory we shall
attribute unto our fortune, and the greater riches we shall increase
unto it. The Pirates were under this suspicion, that all those
riches which the inhabitants of Maracaibo had absconded, were
transported unto Gibraltar, or at least the greatest part thereof.
After this speech, they all promised to follow him and obey
very exactly his commands. Unto whom L’Ollonais made
answer: ‘T1s well; but know ye withal that the first man who
shall show ‘any fear, or the least apprehension thereof, I will
pistol him with my own hands.
With this resolution they cast anchor nigh the shore, at
the distance of one quarter of a league from the town. The
next day, before sunrising, they were all landed, being to the
number of three-hundred-and-four-score men, well provided,
and armed every one with a cutlass and one or two pistols ;
and withal sufficient powder and bullet for 30 charges. Here,
upon the shore, they all shook hands with one another in
testimony of good courage, and began their march, L’Ollonais
speaking these words to them: Come, my brothers, follow me,
and have a good courage. They followed their way with a
guide they had provided. But he, believing he led them well,
brought them to the way which the Governor had obstructed
with barricades. Through this not being able to pass, they
went unto the other which was newly made in the wood among
96 THE PIRATES’ STRATAGEM
the mire, unto which the Spaniards could shoot at pleasure.
Notwithstanding, the Pirates, being full of courage, cut down
multitude of branches of trees, and threw them in the dirt
upon the way, to the end they might not stick so fast in it.
In the meanwhile, those of Gibraltar fired at them with their
great guns so furiously that they could scarce hear or see one
another through the noise and smoke. Being now past the
wood, they came upon firm ground, where they met with a
battery of 6 guns, which immediately the Spaniards discharged
against them, all being loaded with small bullets and pieces of
iron. After this, the Spaniards, sallying forth, set upon them
with such fury as caused the Pirates to give way and retire,
very few of them daring to advance towards the fort. They
continued still firing against the Pirates, of whom they had
already killed and wounded many. This made them go back
to seek some other way through the middle of the wood ; but,
the Spaniards having cut down many trees to hinder the pass-
age, they could find none, and thus were forced to return unto
that they had left. Here the Spaniards continued to fire as
before ; neither would they sally out of their batteries to attack
the Piratesany more. Hereby L’Ollonais and his companions,
not being able to grimp! up the baskets of earth, were compelled
to make use of an old stratagem—wherewith at last they
deceived and overcame the Spaniards.
L’Ollonais retired suddenly with all his men, making show
as if he fled. Hereupon the Spaniards, crying out : They flee,
they flee ; let us follow them, sallied forth with great disorder, to
pursue the fugitive Pirates. After they had drawn them
some distance from their batteries, which was their only
design, they turned upon them, unexpectedly with swords in
hand, and killed above two hundred men. And thus fighting
their way through those who remained alive, they possessed
themselves of the batteries. The Spaniards that remained
abroad gave themselves up for lost, and consequently took
their flight unto the woods. The other part that was in the
battery of eight guns surrendered themselves upon conditions
1 French grimper, to climb, cause to mount, raise. Grymp is used in
St Brandan, p. 20, in the sense of to ‘ grip’: Halliwell (Dict. of Archaic
Words) suggests a possible misprint. Mr. Grant Allen uses the word in
his Scallywag [1893], i, 44: ‘‘ How the little beasts grimp . . . such
plucky little beggars, and so strong for their size !’’
THE PIRATES IN GIBRALTAR 97
of obtaining quarter for their lives. The Pirates, being now
become masters of the whole town, pulled down the Spanish
colours, and set up their own, taking prisoners at the same time
as many as they could find. These they carried unto the
great church, whither also they transferred many great guns,
wherewith they raised a battery to defend themselves, fearing
lest the Spaniards that were fled should rally more of their own
party and come upon them again. But the next day, after
they were all fortified, all their fears disappeared. They
gathered all the dead, with intent to allow them burial, finding
the number of above 500 Spaniards killed, besides those that
were wounded within the town and those that died of their
wounds in the woods, where they sought for refuge. Besides
which, the Pirates had in their custody above 150 prisoners,
and nigh 500 slaves, many women and children.
Of their own companions the Pirates found only forty dead,
and almost as many more wounded. Whereof the greatest
part died afterwards, through the constitution of the air,
which brought fevers and other accidents upon them. They
put all the Spaniards that were slain into two great boats,
and carrying them one-quarter-of-a-league within the sea,
they sank the boats. These things being done, they gathered
all the plate, household stuff, and merchandize they could rob
or thought convenient to carry away. But the Spaniards who
had anything as yet left unto them, hid it very carefully.
Soon after, the Pirates, as if they were unsatisfied with the
great riches they had gotten, began to seek for more goods and
merchandize, not sparing those who lived in the fields, such as
hunters and planters. They had scarce been eighteen days
upon the place, when the greatest part of the prisoners they had
taken died of hunger. For in the town very few provisions,
especially of flesh, were to be found. Howbeit, they had some
quantity of flour of meal, although perhaps something less than
what was sufficient. But this the Pirates had taken into their
custody to make bread for themselves. As to the swine, cows,
sheep, and poultry that were found upon the place, they took
them likewise for their own sustenance, without allowing any
share thereof unto the poor prisoners. For these they only
provided some small quantity of mules’ and asses’ flesh, which
they killed for that purpose. And such as could not eat of
that loathsome provision were constrained to die of hunger, as
H
98 THE PIRATES IN GIBRALTAR
many did, their stomachs not being accustomed to such unusual
sustenance. Only some women were found, who were allowed
better cheer by the Pirates, because they served them in their
sensual delights, unto which those robbers are hugely given.
Among those women, some had been forced, others were volun-
teers ; though almost all had rather taken up that vice through
poverty and hunger more than any other cause. Of the
prisoners many also died under the torments they sustained, to
make them confess where they had hidden their money or jewels.
And of these, some, because they had none nor knew of none,
and others for denying what they knew, endured such horrible
deaths.
Finally, after having been in possession of the town four
entire weeks, they sent four of the prisoners remaining alive
unto the Spaniards that were fled into the woods, demanding
of them a ransom for not burning the town. The sum hereof
they constituted 10,000 pieces-of-eight, which, unless it were
sent unto them, they threatened to fire and reduce into ashes
the whole village. For bringing in of this money they allowed
them only the space of two days. These being past, and the
Spaniards not having been able to gather so punctually such
a sum, the Pirates began to set fire to many places of the town.
Thus the inhabitants, perceiving the Pirates to be in earnest,
begged of them tohelp to extinguish the fire; and withal promised
the ransom should be readily paid. The Pirates condescended
to their petition, helping as much as they could to stop the
progress ofthe fire. Yet, though they used the best endeavours
they possibly could, one part of the town was ruined, especially
the church belonging to the monastery, which was burnt even
to dust. After they had received the sum above-mentioned,
they carried on board their ships all the riches they had robbed,
together with a great number of slaves which had not as yet
paidtheirransom. For all the prisoners had sums of money set
upon them, and the slaves were also commanded to be re-
deemed. Hence they returned to Maracaibo, where being
arrived they found a general consternation in the whole city.
Unto which they sent three or four prisoners to tell the gover-
nor and inhabitants : They should bring them 30,000 pieces-of-
eight on board their ships, for a ransom of their houses , other-
wise they should be entirely sacked anew and burnt.
Among these debates a certain party of Pirates came on
THE PIRATES DIVIDE THE SPOILS 99
shore to rob, and these carried away the images, the pictures,
and bells of the great church, on board the fleet. The Span-
iards, who were sent to demand of those who were fled the sum
aforementioned, returned with orders to make some agree-
ment with the Pirates. This they performed, and concluded
with the Pirates they would give for their ransom and liberty
the sum of 20,000 pieces-of-eight and 500 cows. The con-
dition hereof being that they should commit no farther acts
of hostility against any person, but should depart thence
presently after payment of the money and cattle. The one
and the other being delivered, they set sail with the whole fleet,
causing great joy unto the inhabitants of Maracaibo to see
themselves quit of this sort of people. Notwithstanding, three
days after they resumed their fears and admiration, seeing the
Pirates to appear again and re-enter the port they had left
with all their ships. But these apprehensions soon vanished,
by only hearing one of the Pirates’ errand, who came on shore to
tell them from L’Ollonais : They should send him a skilful Pilot
to conduct one of his greatest ships over the dangerous bank that
lies at the entry of thelake. Which petition, or rather command,
was instantly granted.
The Pirates had now been full two months in those towns,
wherein they committed those cruel and insolent actions we
have told you of. Departing therefore thence, they took their
course towards the island Hispaniola, and arrived thither in
eight days, casting anchor in a port called Isla de la Vaca, or
Cow Island. This isle is inhabited by French Buccaneers,
who most commonly sell the flesh they hunt unto Pirates and
others who now and then put in there with intent of victualling
or trading with them. Here they unladed the whole car-
gazons! of riches they had robbed—the usual storehouse of the
Pirates being commonly under the shelter of the Buccaneers.
Here also they made a dividend amongst them of all their
prizes and gains, according to that order and degree which
belonged unto every one, as hath been mentioned above.
Having cast up the account and made exact calculation of all
they had purchased, they found in ready money 260,000 pieces-
of-eight. Whereupon, this being divided, every one received
1 Spanish for cargo: cf. ‘‘ There should come in euery ship the
fourth part of her cargason in money ’’—Hakluyt, Voyages [1583],
vol. II, i, p. 246. (Arber’s English Garner, vol. iii, p. 172.)
160° PIRATES RETURN 10: TORTUGA
to his share in money, and also in pieces of silk, linen, and other
commodities, the value of above 100 pieces-of-eight. Those
who had been wounded in this expedition received their part
before all the rest ; I mean, such recompenses as I spoke of in
the First Book, for the loss of their limbs which many sustained.
Afterwards they weighed all the plate that was uncoined,
reckoning after the rate of 10 pieces-of-eight for every pound.
The jewels were prized with much variety, either at too high
or too low rates ; being thus occasioned by their own ignor-
ance. This being done, every one was put to his oath again
that he had not concealed anything nor substracted from the
common stock. Hence they proceeded to the dividend of
what shares belonged to such as were dead amongst them,
either in battle or otherwise. These shares were given to their
friends to be kept entire for them, and to be delivered in due
time unto their nearest relations, or whomsoever should appear
to be their lawful heirs. .-
The whole dividend being entirely finished, they set sail
thence for the isle of Tortuga. Here they arrived one month
after, to the great joy of most that were upon the island. For,
as to the common Pirates, in three weeks they had scarce any
money left them, having spent it all in things of little value, or
at play either of cards or dice. Here also arrived, not long
before them, two French ships laden with wine and brandy
and other things of this kind; whereby these liquors, at the
arrival of the Pirates, were sold indifferent cheap. But this’
lasted not long ; for soon after they were enhanced extremely,
a gallon of brandy being sold for 4 pieces-of-eight. The
Governor of the island bought of the Pirates the whole cargo
of the ship laden with cacao, giving them for that rich com-
modity scarce the twentieth part of what it was worth. Thus
they made shift to lose and spend the riches they had got in
much less time than they were purchased by robbing. The
taverns and stews, according to the custom of Pirates,
got the greatest part thereof, insomuch that soon after they
were constrained to seek more by the same unlawful means
they had obtained the preceding.
he Manges “ee
? "vy
CHAPTER III
L’Ollonais makes new preparations to take the city of St James
de Leon; as also that of Nicaragua, where he miserably
perishes
_L’Ottonats had got himself very great esteem and repute at
Tortuga by this last voyage, by reason he brought them home
such considerable profit. And now he needed take no great
care how to gather men to serve under his colours, seeing more
came in voluntarily to proffer their service unto him than he
could employ, every one reposing such great confidence in his
conduct for seeking their fortunes that they judged it a
matter of the greatest security imaginable to expose them-
selves in his company to the hugest dangers that might possibly
occur. He resolved, therefore, for a second voyage, to go with
his officers and soldiers towards the parts of Nicaragua, and
pillage there as many towns as he could meet.
Having published his new preparations, he had all his men
together at the time appointed, being about the number of
700, more or less. Of these he put 300 on board the ship he
took at Maracaibo, and the rest in other vessels of lesser
burden, which were five more ; so that the whole number were
in all six ships. The first port they went unto was in the
island of Hispaniola, to a place called Bayala, where they
determined to victual the fleet and take in provisions. This
being done, they set sail thence, and steered their course to a
port called Matamana, lying on the South side of the isle of
Cuba. Their intent was to take here all the canoes they could
meet, these coasts being frequented by a huge number of fisher-
men of tortoises, who carry them thence unto Havana. They
took as many of the said canoes, to the great grief of those
miserable people, as they thought necessary for their designs.
For they had great necessity of these small bottoms, by reason
the port whither they designed to go was not of depth sufficient
To}
102 REACHES PUERTO CAVALLO
to bear ships of any burden. Hence they took their course
towards the cape called Gracias a Dios, situate upon the
continent in latitude fifteen degrees North, at the distance of
one hundred leagues from the island De los Pinos. But, being
out at sea, they were taken with a sad and tedious calm, and by
the agitation of the waves alone were thrown into the Gulf of
Honduras. Here they laboured very much to regain what
they had lost, but all in vain ; both the waters in their course
and the winds being contrary to their endeavours. Besides
that, the ship wherein L’Ollonais was embarked could not
follow the rest; and, what was worse, they wanted already
provisions. Hereupon they were forced to put into the first
port or bay they could reach, to revictual their fleet. Thus
they entered with their canoes into a river called Xagua,
inhabited by Indians, whom they totally robbed and destroyed;
they finding amongst their goods great quantity of millet,
many hogsandhens. Not contented with what they had done,
they determined to remain there until the bad weather was
over, and to pillage all the towns and villages lying along the
coast of the gulf. Thus they passed from one place to another,
seeking as yet more provisions, by reason they had not what
they wanted for the accomplishment of their designs. Having
searched and rifled many vilages, where they found no great
matter, they came at last to Puerto Cavallo. In this port
the Spaniards have two several storehouses, which serve
to keep the merchandize that are brought from the inner parts
of the country until the arrival of the ships. There was in the
port at that occasion a Spanish ship mounted with four-and-
twenty guns and sixteen fedreros! or mortar-pieces. This
ship was immediately seized by the Pirates ; and then, drawing
nigh the shore, they landed and burnt the two storehouses,
with all the rest of the houses belonging to the place. Many
inhabitants likewise they took prisoners and committed upon
them the most insolent and inhuman cruelties that ever
heathens invented, putting them to the cruellest tortures
they could imagine or devise. It was the custom of L’Ollonais
1 Pedrero (Spanish), a swivel-gun, used for firing off stones, scraps of
iron, etc. Cf. Barret, Theorie of Warres [1598]: ‘the cannon and
double cannon; the Pedrera, Basilisco, and such like.’ Anglicized as
patarero. Cf. Angelo and Carli, Congo [1700; in Pinkerton’s Voyages,
XVI, p. 180]: ‘ The ship carried fifty guns, four-and-twenty patare-
roes, and other necessaries,’
L’OLLONAIS’ INHUMANITIES 103
that, having tormented any persons and they not confessing,
he would instantly cut them in pieces with his anger, and pull
out their tongues; desiring to do the same, if possible, to
every Spaniard in the world. Oftentimes it happened that
some of these miserable prisoners, being forced thereunto by
the rack, would promise to discover the places where the
fugitive Spaniards lay hidden ; which being not able afterwards
to perform, they were put to more enormous and cruel deaths
than they who were dead before.
The prisoners being all dead and annihilated (excepting
only two, whom they reserved to show them what they
desired), they marched hence to the town of San Pedro, or
St Peter, distant 10 or 12 leagues from Puerto Cavallo, having
in their company 300 men, whom L’Ollonais led, and leaving
behind him Moses van Vin for his lieutenant to govern the rest
in his absence. Being come 3 leagues upon their way, they
met with a troop of Spaniards, who lay in ambuscade for their
coming. These they set upon with all the courage imaginable,
and at last totally defeated, howbeit they behaved themselves
very manfully at the beginning of the fight. But, not being
able to resist the fury of the Pirates, they were forced to give
way and save themselves by flight, leaving many Pirates dead
upon the place and wounded, as also some of their own party
maimed by the way. These L’Ollonais put to death without
mercy, having asked them what questions he thought fit for
his purpose.
There were still remaining some few prisoners who were not
wounded. These were asked by L’Ollonais if any more
Spaniards did lie farther on in ambuscade: unto whom they
answered, there were. Then he commanded them to be
brought before him, one by one, and asked if there was no
other way to be found to the town but that. This he did out
of a design to excuse, if possible, those ambuscades. But they
all constantly answered him, they knew none. Having asked
them all, and finding they could show him no other way,
L’Ollonais grew outrageously passionate ; insomuch that he
drew his cutlass, and with it cut open the breast of one of those
poor Spaniards, and, pulling out his heart with his sacrilegious
hands, began to bite and gnaw it with his teeth like a ravenous
wolf, saying to the rest: J will serve you all alike if you show
me not another way.
104 L’OLLONAIS’ INHUMANITIES
Hereupon those miserable wretches promised to show him
another way; but withal they told him it was extremely
difficult and laborious. Thus, to satisfy that cruel tyrant,
they began to lead him and his army. But finding it not for
his purpose, even as they told him, he was constrained unto
return to the former way, swearing with great choler and
indignation: Mort Dieu, les Espagnols me le payeront!
(By God’s death, the Spaniards shall pay me for this ! ).
The next day he fell into another ambuscade, the which
he assaulted with such horrible fury that in less than an hour’s
time he routed the Spaniards, and killed the greatest part of
them. The Spaniards were persuaded that by these ambus-
cades they should better be able to destroy the Pirates, assault-
ing them by degrees ; and for this reason had posted them-
selves in several places. At last he met with a third ambus-
cade, where was placed a party of Spaniards both stronger and
to greater advantage than the former. Yet, notwithstanding,
the Pirates, by throwing with their hands little fireballs in
great number, and continuing to do so for some time, forced
this party, as well as the preceding, to flee; and this with
such great loss of men as that, before they could reach the town,
the greatest part of the Spaniards were either killed or wounded.
There was but one path which led to the town. This path was
very well barricaded with good defences ; and the rest of the
town round about was planted with certain shrubs or trees
named vaqueltes, very full of thorns and these very sharp-
pointed. This sort of fortification seemed stronger than the
triangles which are used in Europe, when an army is of
necessity to pass by the place of an enemy, it being almost
impossible for the Pirates to traverse those shrubs. The
Spaniards that were posted behind the said defences, seeing
the Pirates come, began to shoot at them with their great guns.
But these, perceiving them ready to fire, used to stoop down,
and, when the shot was made, fall upon the defendants with
fireballs in hands and naked swords, killing with these weapons
many of the town. Yet, notwithstanding, not being able to
advance any farther, they were constrained to retire for
the first time. Afterwards they returned to the attack again,
with fewer men than before ; and, observing not to shoot till
they were very near, they gave the Spaniards a charge so
dexterously that with every shot they killed an enemy,
Ae vee
eS SS ee
ag LOLONOLS|
“L’Ollonais . . . drew his cutlass, and with it cut open the breast
of one of those poor Spaniards, and, pulling out his heart with his
sacrilegious hands, began to bite and gnaw it with his teeth’’ (p. 103).
THE PIRATES SEEK PROVISIONS 107
The attack continuing thus eager on both sides till night,
_ the Spaniards were compelled to hang forth a white flag, in
token of truce and that they desired to come toa parley. The
_ only conditions they required for delivering the town were :
_ That the Pirates should give the inhabitants quarter for two hours,
_ This short space of time they demanded, with intent to carry
_ away and abscond as much of their goods and riches as they
_ could, as also to flee to some other neighbouring town. Upon
eee Oe aS le anaes T=
= « wae
aa ok
the agreement of this article they entered the town, and
continued there the two hours above-mentioned, without
committing the least act of hostility or causing any trouble
_tothe inhabitants. But no sooner that time was passed than
-L’Ollonais ordered the inhabitants should be followed and
robbed of all they had carried away ; and not only goods, but
their persons, likewise, to be made all prisoners. Notwith-
standing, the greatest part of their merchandize and goods
were in such manner absconded as the Pirates could not find
them ; they meeting only a few leathern sacks that were filled
with anil, or indigo!.
Having stayed at this town some few days, and according to
their usual customs committed there most horrid insolences,
they at last quitted the place, carrying away with them all
that they possibly could, and reducing the town totally into
ashes. Being come to the seaside, where they left a party of
their own comrades, they found these had busied themselves
in cruizing upon the fishermen that lived thereabouts or came
that way from the river of Guatemala. In this river also was
expected a ship that was to come from Spain. Finally they
resolved to go towards the islands that lie on the other side of
the gulf, there to cleanse and careen their vessels. But in the
meanwhile they left two canoes before the coast, or rather the
mouth of the river of Guatemala, to the intent they should
take the ship which, as I said before, was expected from Spain.
But their chief intention of going to those islands was to
seek provisions, as knowing the tortoises of those places are
very excellent and pleasant food. As soon as they arrived
there, they divided into troops, each party choosing a fit post
for that fishery. Every one of them undertook to knit a net
1 The West Indian indigo plant, Indigofera anil. Cf. Linschoten,
Voyages, Bk. i, vol. i, p. 61 (ed. 1885) : ‘ annell or indigo groweth onely
in Cambaia.’
108 ISLANDS OF PITCH. AMBER
with the rinds of certain trees called in those parts macoa. Of
these rinds they make also ropes and cables for the service of
ships ; insomuch that no vessel can be in need of such things
whensoever they can but find the said trees. There are also in
those parts many places where they find pitch!, which is
gathered thereabouts in great abundance. The quantity hereof
is so great that, running down the sea-coasts being melted by
the heat of the sun, it congeals in the water into great heaps,
and represents the shape of small islands. This pitch is not
like unto that we have in the countries of Europe, but is hugely
like, both in colour and shape, that froth of the sea which is
called by the naturalists bitumen. But in my judgment
this matter is nothing else but wax, which stormy weather has
cast into the sea, being part of that huge quantity which in the
neighbouring territories is made by the bees. Thus from
places far distant from the sea it is also brought to the sea-
coast by the winds and rolling waves of great rivers; being
likewise mingled with sand, and having the smell of black
amber, such as is sent us from the Orient. In those parts are
found great quantities of the said bees, who make their honey
in trees; whence it happens that the honey-combs being
fixed unto the bodies of the trees, when tempests arise they
are torn away, and by the fury of the winds carried into the
sea, as has been said before. Some naturalists are willing to
say that between the honey and the wax is made a separation
by means of the salt water, whence proceeds also the good
amber. This opinion is rendered the more probable because
the said amber, being found and tasted, it affords the like taste
as wax does.
But now, returning to my discourse, I shall let you know
that the Pirates made in those islands all the haste to equip
their vessels they could possibly, by reason they had news the
Spanish ship which they expected was come. They spent
some time in cruizing upon the coasts of Yucatan, whereabouts
inhabit many Indians, who seek for the amber above-mentioned
in those seas. But seeing we are come to this place, I shall
here, by the by, make some short remarks on the manner of
living of these Indians, and the divine worship which they
practice.
1 The pitch lake of La Brea, Trinidad, is celebrated. Asphalt is an
important article of export from Trinidad at the present day.
ne a eee
Erte
aie
THE INDIANS OF YUCATAN 109
The Indians of the coasts of Yucatan have now been above
_ one hundred years under the dominion of the Spaniards.
_ Unto this nation they performed all manner of service ; for,
whensoever any of them had need of a slave or servant, they
sent to seek one of these Indians to serve them as long as they
pleased. By the Spaniards they were initiated at first in the
_ principles of Christian faith and religion. Being thus made a
_ part of Christianity, they used to send them every Sunday and
holiday through the whole year a priest to perform divine
_ service among them. Afterwards, for what reasons are not
_ known, but certainly through evil temptations of the Father
_ of Idolatry, the Devil, they suddenly cast off Christian religion
_ again, and abandoned the true divine worship, beating withal
_ and abusing the priest that was sent them. This provoked the
_ Spaniards to punish them according to their deserts, which
_ they did by casting many of the chiefest of these Indians into
_ prison. Every one of those barbarians had, and has still,
a god to himself whom he serves and worships. It is
a thing that deserves all admiration, to consider how
they use in this particular a child that is newly born into
the world. As soon as this is issued from the womb of the
mother, they carry it to the temple. Here they make a circle
or hole, which they fill with ashes, without mingling anything
else with them. Upon this heap of ashes they place the child
_ naked, leaving it there a whole night alone, not without great
danger ; nobody daring to come near it. In the meanwhile
the temple is open on all sides, to the intent all sorts of beasts
may freely come in and out. The next day the father and
relations of the infant return thither, to see if the track or step
_ of any animal appears to be printed in the ashes. Not finding
A pe hess YR
— ee
any, they leave the child there until some beast has approached
the infant and left behind him the mark of his feet. Unto this
animal, whatsoever it be, they consecrate the creature newly
born as unto its god, which he is bound to worship and serve
all his life, esteeming the said beast as his patron and protector
in all cases of danger or necessity. They offer unto their gods
sacrifices of fire, wherein they burn a certain gum called by them
copal!, whose smoke affords a very delicious smell. When the
infant is grown up, the parents thereof tell him and show him
1 Spanish copal: aresin. Cf. Frampton, Joyfull Newes [1577]: ‘ The
copal is a rosine very white.’
110 MARRIAGE CUSTOMS OF INDIANS
whom he ought to worship, serve, and honour as his own
proper god. This being known, he goes to the temple, where
he makes offerings unto the said beast. Afterwards, if in
the course of his life any one has injured him or any evil
happens to him, he complains thereof to that beast, and
sacrifices unto it for revenge. Whence many times comes that
those who have done the injury of which he complains are
found to be bitten, killed, or otherwise hurt by such animals.
After this superstitious and idolatrous manner do live those
miserable and ignorant Indians that inhabit all the islands of
the Gulf of Honduras, as also many of them that dwell upon
the continent of Yucatan. In the territories of which country
are found most excellent ports for the safety of ships, where
those Indians most commonly love to build their houses.
These people are not very faithful one to another, and likewise
use strange ceremonies at their marriages. Whensoever any
one pretends to marry a young damsel, he first applies himself
to her father or nearest relation. He then examines him very
exactly concerning the manner of cultivating their plantations
and other things at his pleasure. Having satisfied the ques-
tions that were put to him by the father-in-law, he gives the
young man a bow and arrow. With these things he repairs
to the young maid, and presents her with a garland of green
leaves, interweaved with sweet-smelling flowers. This she is
obliged to put upon her head, and lay aside that which she
wore before that time ; it being the custom of the country that
all virgins go perpetually crowned with flowers. This garland
being received and put upon the head, every one of the relations
and friends go to advise with others among themselves, whether
that marriage will be useful and of likely happiness or not.
Afterwards the aforesaid relations and friends meet together
at the house of the damsel’s father, and they drink of a certain
liquor made of maize, or Indian wheat. And here before the
whole company the father gives his daughter in marriage unto
the bridegroom. The next day the newly-married bride comes
to her mother, and in her presence pulls off the garland and
tears it in pieces, with great cries and bitter lamentations,
according to the custom of the country. Many other things
I could relate at large of the manner of living and customs of
those Indians ; but these I shall omit, thereby to follow my
discourse.
CAPTURE OF THE SPANISH SHIP 111
Our Pirates, therefore, had many canoes of the Indians in
the isle of Sambale, five leagues distant from the coasts of
Yucatan. In the aforesaid island is found great quantity of
amber, but more especially when any storm arises from to-
wards the East, whence the waves bring many things and very
different. Through this sea no vessels can pass, unless very
small, the waters being too shallow. In the lands that are
surrounded by this sea is found huge quantity of Campeche
wood! and other things of this kind, that serve for the art of
dyeing, which occasions them to be much esteemed in Europe,
and doubtless would be much more, in case we had the skill
and science of the Indians, who are so industrious as to make
a dye or tincture that never changes its colour nor fades away.
After that the Pirates had been in that gulf three entire
months, they received advice that the Spanish ship was come.
Hereupon they hastened unto the port, where the ship lay at
anchor unlading the merchandize it brought, with design to
assault her as soon as it was possible. But, before this attempt,
they thought it convenient to send away some of their boats
from the mouth of the river, to seek for a small vessel which
was expected, having notice that she was very richly laden,
the greatest part of the cargo being plate, indigo, and cochineal.
In the meanwhile the people of the ship that was in the port had
notice given that the Pirates designed upon them. Hereupon
they prepared all things very well for the defence of the said
vessel, which was mounted with 42 guns, had many arms on
board and other necessaries, together with 130 fighting men.
Unto L’Ollonias all this seemed but little; and thus he assaulted
her with great courage, his own ship carrying only 22 guns, and
having no more than a small saétia, or flyboat, for help.
But the Spaniards defended themselves after such manner as
they forced the Pirates to retire. Notwithstanding, while the
smoke of the powder continued very thick, as amidst a dark
fog or mist, they sent four canoes very well manned, and
boarded the ship with great agility, whereby they compelled
the Spaniards to surrender.
The ship being taken, they found not in her what they
thought, as being already almost wholly unladed. All the
1 Logwood, named from Campeachy on the West coast of Yucatan.
Cf. ‘‘ The chiefest merchandize which they lade there in small frigats
is a certeine wood called campeche (wherewith they vse to die),’’—
Hakluyt, Voyages [1600], vol. iii, p. 461.
Ti? SELAETING UP OF THE PIRATES
treasure they here got consisted only in fifty bars of iron, a
small parcel of paper, some earthen jars full of wine, and other
things of this kind : all of small importance. |
“ Presently after, L’Ollonais called a council of the whole fleet,
wherein he told them he intended to go to Guatemala. Upon
this point they divided into several sentiments ; some of them
liking the proposal very well, and others disliking it as much—
especially a certain party of them, who were but new in those
exercises of piracy, and who had imagined at their setting
forth from Tortuga that pieces-of-eight were gathered as
easily as pears from a tree. But, having found at last most
things contrary to their expectation, they quitted the fleet,
and returned whence they set out. Others, on the contrary,
affirmed they had rather die of hunger than return home with-
out a great deal of money.
But the major part of the company, judging the propounded
voyage little fit for their purpose, separated from L’Ollonais
and the rest. Among these was ringleader one Moses Vanclein,
who was captain of the ship taken at Puerto Cavallo. This
fellow took his course towards Tortuga, designing to cruize to
and fro in those seas. With him also joined another comrade
of his own, by name Pierre le Picard, who, seeing the rest to
leave L’Ollonais, thought fit to do the same. These runaways
having thus parted company, steered their course homewards,
coasting along the continent till they came at last unto Costa
Rica. Here they landed a strong party of men nigh unto the
river of Veraguas, and marched in good order unto the town of
the same name. This place they took and totally pillaged,
notwithstanding that the Spaniards made a strong and warlike
resistance. They brought away some of the inhabitants as
prisoners, with all that they had robbed, which was of no great
importance, the reason hereof being the poverty of the place,
which exercises no manner of trade than only working in the
mines, where some of the inhabitants do constantly attend.
Yet no other persons seek for the gold than only slaves.
These they compel to dig, whether they live or die, and wash
the earth that is taken out in the neighbouring rivers ; where
oftentimes they find pieces of gold as big as peas. Finally,
the pirates found in this robbery no greater value than 7 or
8 pounds weight of gold. Hereupon they returned back,
giving over the design they had to go farther on to the town of
INDIANS OF DE LAS PERTAS 113
Nata, situated upon the coasts of the South Sea. Hitherto
they designed to march, knowing the inhabitants to be rich
merchants, who had their slaves at work in the mines of
Veraguas. But from this enterprize they were deterred by
the multitude of Spaniards whom they saw gather on all sides
to fall upon them ; whereof they had timely advice before-
hand.
L’Ollonais, thus abandoned by his companions, remained
alone in the Gulf of Honduras, by reason his ship was too great
to get out at the time of the reflux of those seas, which the
smaller vessels could do more easily. There he sustained
great want of all sorts of provisions, insomuch as they were
constrained to go ashore every day to seek wherewithal to
maintain themselves. And, not finding anything else, they
were forced to kill monkeys and other animals such as they
could find, for their sustenance.
At last having found, in the latitude of the Cape of Gracias
a Dios, certain little islands called De las Pertas, here, nigh
unto these isles, his ship fell upon a bank of sand, where it
i _ Stuck so fast as no art could be found to get her off into deep
pene ve
water again, notwithstanding they unladed all the guns, iron,
and other weighty things as much as possibly they could: but
all they could do was to little or no effect. Hereupon they
were necessitated to break the ship in pieces, and with some of
the planks and nails build themselves a boat, wherewith to
get away from those islands. Thus they began their work ;
and, while they are employed about it, I shall pass to describe
succinctly the isles aforementioned and their inhabitants.
The islands called De las Pertas are inhabited by Indians,
who are properly savages, as not having at any time known or
conversed with any civil people. They are tall in stature
and very nimble in running, which they perform almost as
fast as horses. At diving also in the sea they are very dexter-
ous and hardy. From the bottom of the sea I saw them take
up an anchor that weighed 600 pound, by tying a cable unto
it with great dexterity and pulling it from a rock. They use
no other arms than such as are made of wood, without any
iron, unless that some instead therefore do fix a crocodile-tooth,
which serves for a point. They have neither bows nor arrows
among them, as other Indians have; but their common
weapon is a sort of lances, that are long a fathom and a half.
174:. INDIANS OF. DE LAS PERTAS
In these islands there are many plantations surrounded with
_ woods, whence they gather great abundance of fruits. Such
are potatoes, bananas, racoven, ananas, and many others,
which the constitution of the soil affords. Nigh unto these
plantations they have no houses to dwell in, as in other places
of the Indies. Some are of opinion that these Indians eat
human flesh, which seems to be confirmed by what happened
when L’Ollonais was there. Two of his companions, the one
being a Frenchman and the other a Spaniard, went into the
woods, where, having straggled up and down some while,
they met with a troop of Indians that began to pursue them.
They defended themselves as well as they could with their
swords, but at last were forced to flee. This the Frenchman
performed with great agility : but the Spaniard, being not so
swift as his companion, was taken by those barbarians, and
heard of no more. Some days after, they attempted to go into
the woods to see what was become of their companion. Unto
this effect twelve Pirates set forth very well armed, amongst
whom was the Frenchman, who conducted them, and shewed
them the place where he left his companion. Here they found,
nigh unto the place, that the Indians had kindled fire ; and,
at a small distance thence, they found the bones of the said
Spaniard very wellroasted. Hence they inferred that they had
roasted the miserable Spaniard, of whom they found more,
some pieces of flesh ill scraped off from the bones and one hand,
which had only two fingers remaining.
They marched farther on, seeking for Indians. Of these
they found a great number together, who endeavoured to
escape, seeing the Pirates so strong and well armed. But they
overtook some of them, and brought on board their ships
five men and four women. With these they used all the means
they could invent to make themselves to be. understood and
gain their affections, giving them certain small trifles, as
knives, beads, and the like things. They gave them also
victuals and drink, but nothing of either would they taste.
It was also observable that all the while they were prisoners
on board the ships, they spoke not one word to each other
among themselves. Thus the Pirates, seeing these poor
Indians were much afraid of them, presented them again with
some small things, and let them go. When they departed,
they made signs, giving them to understand they would come
eS ee arte
DISAPPEARANCE OF THE INDIANS 116
| again. But they soon forgot their benefactors, and were never
heard nor seen more. Neither could any notice afterwards be
_ had of these Indians or any others in the whole island after
_ that time ; which occasioned the Pirates to suspect that both
- those that were taken, and all the rest of the island, did all
_ swim away by night to some other little neighbouring islands,
especially considering they could never set eyes on any Indian
_ more; neither was there ever seen any boat or other vessel in
the whole circumference of the island.
In the meanwhile the Pirates were very desirous to see their
long-boat finished, which they were building with the timber
of the ship that stuck upon the sands. Yet, considering
their work would be long, they began to cultivate some pieces
of ground. Here they sowed French beans, which came to
_ maturity in six weeks time, and many other fruits. They had
ie good provision of Spanish wheat, bananas, racoven, and other
_ things. With the wheat they made bread, and baked it in
_ portable ovens which they had brought with them to this
effect. Thus they feared not hunger in those desert places.
After this manner they employed themselves for the space of
five or six months. Which time being passed, and the long-boat
finished, they determined to go unto the river of Nicaragua, to
see if they could take some few canoes, and herewith return
unto the said islands and fetch away their companions that
remained behind, by reason the boat they had built was not
capable of transporting so many men together. Hereupon, to
avoid any disputes that might arise, they cast lots among
themselves, determining thereby who should go, or stay, in
the island.
The lot fell only upon one half of the people of the lost vessel,
who embarked upon the long-boat they had built, and also
the skiff which they had before, the other half remaining on
shore. L’Ollonais, having set sail, arrived in a few days at the
mouth of the river of Nicaragua. Here suddenly his ill-
fortune assailed him, which of long time had been reserved for
him as a punishment due unto the multitude of horrible
crimes which in his licentious and wicked life he had committed,
Here he met with both Spaniards and Indians, who jointly
together set upon him and his companions, and used them so
| 4 roughly that the greatest part of the Pirates were killed upon
——_
the place. L’Ollonais, with those that remained alive, had much
116 LOLEONAIS BUTCHERED
ado to escape on board their boats aforementioned. Yet, not-
withstanding this great loss of men, he resolved not to return
to seek those he had left at the Isle of Pertas without taking
some boats, such as he looked for. Unto this effect he deter-
mined to go farther on to the coasts of Cartagena, with design
to seek for canoes. But God Almighty, the time of His
Divine justice being now already come, had appointed the
Indians of Darien to be the instruments and executioners
thereof. The Indians of Darien are esteemed as bvavos, or wild
savage Indians, by the neighbouring Spaniards, who never
could reduce them to civility. Hither L’Ollonais came (being
rather brought by his evil conscience that cried for punishment
of his crimes), thinking to act in that country his former
cruelties. But the Indians within a few days after his arrival
took him prisoner and tore him in pieces alive, throwing
his body limb by limb into the fire, and his ashes into
the air, to the intent no trace or memory might remain of
such an infamous, inhuman creature. One of his companions
gave me an exact account of the aforesaid tragedy, affirming
withal that he himself had escaped the same punishment, not
without the greatest of difficulties. He believed also that many
of his comrades who were taken prisoners in that encounter
by the Indians of Darien were after the same manner as their
cruel captain torn in pieces and burned alive. Thus ends
the history of the life and miserable death of that infernal
wretch L’Ollonias, who, full of horrid, execrable, and enormous
deeds, and also debtor to so much innocent blood, died by cruel
and butcherly hands, such as his own were in the course of his
life.
Those that remained in the island De las Pertas, waiting for
the return of them who got away only to their great misfortune,
hearing no news of their captain nor companions, at last
embarked themselves upon the ship of a certain Pirate who
happened to pass that way. This fellow was come from
Jamaica with intent to land at the Cape of Gracias a Dios,
and hence to mount the river with his canoes and take the city
of Cartagena. These two parcels of Pirates being now joined
together were infinitely gladded at the presence and society
of one another. Those because they found themselves de-
livered from their miseries, poverty, and necessities, wherein
now they had lived the space of ten entire months—these,
mes, Ee —— Pe
REDUCED TO EXTREMITIES 117
because they were now considerably strengthened, whereby
to effect with greater satisfaction their intended designs.
Hereupon, as soon as they were arrived unto the aforesaid
Cape of Gracias 4 Dios, they all put themselves into canoes,
and with these vessels mounted the river, being in number 500
men ; leaving only 5 or 6 persons in every ship to keep them.
They took no provisions with them, as being persuaded they
should find everywhere sufficient. But these their own hopes
were found totally vain, as not being grounded in God Almighty.
For He ordained it so that the Indians, having perceived their
coming, were all fled before them, not leaving in their houses nor
plantations, which for the most part do border upon the sides
of rivers, anything of necessary provisions or victuals. Here-
by in few days after they had quitted their ships, they were
reduced to such necessity and hunger as nothing could be more
extreme. Notwithstanding, the hopes they had conceived
of making their fortunes very soon did animate them for the
present, being contented in this affliction with a few green
herbs, such as they could gather as they went upon the banks
of the river.
Yet all this courage and vigour of mind could not last above
a fortnight. After which, their hearts, as well as their bodies,
began to fail for hunger ; insomuch as they found themselves
constrained to quit the river and betake themselves unto the
woods, seeking out some small villages where they might find
relief for their necessity. But all was in vain; for, having ranged
up and down the woods for some days without finding the
least comfort to their hungry desires, they were forced to return
again unto the river. Where being come, they thought it
convenient to descend unto the sea-coasts where they had left
their ships, not being able to find in the present enterprize
what they sought for. In this laborious journey they were
reduced to such extremity that many of them devoured their
own shoes, the sheaths of their swords, knives, and other things
of this kind, being almost ravenous, and fully desirous to meet
some Indians, intending to sacrifice them unto their teeth.
At last they arrived at the coast of the sea, where they found
some comfort and relief to their former miseries, and also
means to seek more. Yet, notwithstanding, the greatest part
of them perished through faintness and other diseases con-
tracted by hunger ; which occasioned also the remaining part
118 ENDCOE THE EXPEDITION
to disperse—till at last by degrees many or most of them fell
into the same pit that L’Ollonais did. Of him and of his
companions I have hitherto given my reader a compendious
narrative, which now I shall continue with the actions and
exploits of Captain Henry Morgan, who may not undeservedly
be called the second L’Ollonais, as not being unlike or inferior
unto him either in achievements against the Spaniards or in
robberies of many innocent people.
CHAPTER IV
Of the origin and descent of Captain Henry Morgan—his
exploits and a continuation of the most remarkable actions
of his life
CAPTAIN HENRY MorGAN was born in the kingdom of
England, and there in the principality of Wales. His father
was a rich yeoman, or farmer, and of good quality in that
country, even as most who bear that name in Wales are
known to be. /Morgan, being as yet young, had no inclinations
to follow the calling of his father; and therefore left his
country and came towards the sea-coasts to seek some other
employ more suitable to his humour, that aspired to some-
thing else. There he found entertainment in a certain port
where several ships lay at anchor, that were bound for the isle
of Barbados. With these ships he resolved to go in the
service of one who, according to what is commonly practised
in those parts by the English and other nations, sold him as
soon as he came on shore. He served his time at Barbados,
and when he had obtained his liberty, thence transferred
himself unto the island of Jamaica, there to seek new fortunes.
Here he found two vessels of Pirates that were ready to go to
sea. Being destitute of employ, he put himself into one of these
ships, with intent to follow the exercises of that sort of people.
He learned in a little while their manner of living ; and so
exactly that, having performed three or four voyages with
some profit and good success, he agreed with some of his
comrades, who had gotten by the same voyages a small parcel
of money, to join stocks and buy a ship. The vessel being
bought, they unanimously chose him to be the Captain and
Commander thereof.
With this ship, soon after, he set forth from Jamaica to cruize
upon the coasts of Campeche, in which voyage he had the
119
120 CAPTAIN HENRY MORGAN
fortune to take several ships, with which he returned trium-
phant to the same island. Here he found at the same time an
old Pirate named Mansvelt (of whom we have already made
mention in the First Part of this book), who was then busied in
equipping a considerable fleet of ships, with design to land
upon the Continent and pillage whatever came in his way.
Mansvelt, seeing Captain Morgan return with so many prizes,
judged him from his actions to be of undaunted courage, and
hereupon was moved to choose him for his Vice-Admiral in
that expedition. Thus, having fitted out fifteen ships between
great and small, they set sail from Jamaica with 500 men, both
Walloons and French. With this fleet they arrived not long
after at the isle of St Catharine, situated nigh unto the
continent of Costa Rica, in the latitude of twelve-degrees-
and-a-half North, and distant thirty-five leagues from the river
of Chagre, between North and South. Here they made their
first descent, landing most of their men presently after.
Being now come to try their arms and fortune, they in a
short while forced the garrison that kept the island to surrender
and deliver into their hands all the forts and castles belonging
thereunto. All these they instantly demolished, reserving
only one, wherein they placed one hundred men of their own
party and all the slaves they had taken from the Spaniards.
With the rest of their men they marched unto another small
island nigh unto that of St Catharine, and adjoining so near
unto it that with a bridge they could get over. In few days
they made a bridge, and passed thither, conveying also over
it all the pieces of ordnance which they had taken upon the
great island. Having ruined and destroyed, with sword and
fire, both the islands, leaving what orders were necessary
at the castle above-mentioned, they put forth to sea again
with the Spaniards they had taken prisoners. Yet these
they set on shore, not long after, upon the firm land nigh
unto a place called Porto Bello. After this they began
to cruize upon the coasts of Costa Rica, till that finally they
came unto the river of Colla, designing to rob and pillage
all the towns they could find in those parts, and afterwards
to pass unto the village of Nata, to do the same.
The President, or Governor, of Panama, having had advice of
the arrival of these Pirates and the hostilities they committed
everywhere, thought it his duty to set forth to their encounter
LE SIEUR SIMON 121
_ with a body of men. His coming caused the Pirates to retire
_ suddenly with all speed and care, especially seeing the whole
country alarmed at their arrival, and that their designs were
_ known and consequently could be of no great effect at that
present. Hereupon they returned unto the isle of St
_ Catharine, to visit the hundred men they had left in garrison
_ there. The Governor of these men was a certain Frenchman
_ named Le Sieur Simon, who behaved himself very well in
; that charge, while Mansvelt was absent ; insomuch that he
had put the great island in a very good posture of defence,
_ and the little one he had caused to be cultivated with many
fertile plantations, which were sufficient to revictual the whole
fleet with provisions and fruits, not only for present refresh-
ment but also in case of a new voyage. Mansvelt’s inclinations
were very much bent to keep these two islands in perpetual
_ possession, as being very commodious and profitably situated
_ for the use of the Pirates, chiefly because they were so near
"unto the Spanish dominions and easily to be defended against
_ them; as I shall represent in the Third Part of this history
_ ~~ more at large, in a copper plate delineated for this purpose.
_ Hereupon Mansvelt determined to return unto Jamaica,
- with design to send some recruit to the isle of St Catharine,
_ that, in case of any invasion of the Spaniards, the Pirates
i might be provided for a defence. As soon as he arrived, he
we propounded his mind and intentions unto the Governor of that
island ; but he liked not the propositions of Mansvelt, fearing
~ lest by granting such things he should displease his master,
the King of England, besides that, giving him the men he
desired, and other necessaries for that purpose, he must of
necessity diminish and weaken the forces of that island whereof
he was Governor. Mansvelt seeing the unwillingness of the
_ Governor of Jamaica, and that of his own accord he could not
__ compass what he desired, with the same intent and designs
_ went tothe isle of Tortuga. But there, before he could accom-
_ plish his desires or put in execution what was intended, death
¥ suddenly surprised him and put a period to his wicked life ;
_ all things hereby remaining in suspense, until the occasion
which I shall hereafter relate.
Le Sieur Simon, who remained at the isle of St Catharine in
quality of Governor thereof, receiving no news from Mansvelt,
his admiral, was greatly impatient and desirous to know what.
12? KETAKING OF Si CATHARINE
might be the cause thereof. In the meanwhile Don John
Perez de Guzman, being newly come to the government of
Costa Rica, thought it no ways convenient for the interest of
the King of Spain that that island should remain in the hands
of the Pirates. And hereupon he equipped a considerable
fleet, which he sent unto the said island to retake it. But,
before he came to use any great violence, he wrote a letter to
Le Sieur Simon, wherein he gave him to understand, if he
would surrender the island unto his Catholic Majesty, he should
be very well rewarded; but, in case of refusal, severely
punished when he had forced him to do it. Le Sieur Simon,
seeing no appearance or probability of being able to defend it
alone, nor any emolument that by so doing could accrue either
unto him or his people, after some small resistance delivered up
the island into the hands of its true lord and master, under
the same articles they had obtained it from the Spaniards.
Few days after the surrender of the island there arrived from
Jamaica an English ship which the Governor of the said
island had sent underhand, wherein was a good supply of
people, both men and women. The Spaniards from the
castle, having espied this ship, put forth the English colours,
and persuaded Le Sieur Simon to go on board and conduct the
said ship into a port they assigned him. This he performed
immediately with dissimulation, whereby they were all made
prisoners. A certain Spanish engineer has published, before me,
an exact account and relation of the retaking of the isle of
St Catharine by the Spaniards ; which printed paper being
fallen into my hands, I have thought it fit to be inserted here.
A true Relation and particular Account of the Victory obtained
by the Arms of his Catholic Majesty against the English
Pirates, by the direction and valour of Don John Perez
de Guzman, Knight of the Order of St James, Governor
and Captain-General of Terra Firma and the Province
of Veraguas
THE kingdom of Terra Firma, which of itself is sufficiently
strong to repulse and extirpate great fleets but more especially
the Pirates of Jamaica, had several ways notice under several
hands imparted to the Governor thereof, that fourteen English
vessels did cruize upon the coasts belonging to his Catholic
Majesty. The 14th day of July 1665 news came unto Panama
eee) ae
DON JOHN PEREZ DE GUZMAN 123
_ that the English Pirates of the said fleet were arrived at Puerto
_ de Naos, and had forced the Spanish garrison of the isle of
. St Catharine, whose Governor was Don Estevan del Campo,
~ and that they had possessed themselves of the said island,
_ taking prisoners the inhabitants and destroying all that ever
they met. Moreover, about the same time Don John Perez
_ de Guzman received particular information of these robberies
_ from the relation of some Spaniards who escaped out of the
island (and whom he ordered to be conveyed unto Porto
- Bello), who more distinctly told him that the aforementioned
_ Pirates came into the Island the 2nd day of May by night,
. without being perceived by anybody ; and that the next day,
after some disputes by arms, they had taken the fortresses
_ and made prisoners all the inhabitants and soldiers, not one
scented unless those that by good fortune had escaped their
hands. This being heard by Don John, he called a council
a6 war, wherein he declared the great progress the said Pirates
had made in the dominions of his Catholic Majesty. Here
likewise he propounded: That it was absolutely necessary
_ to send some forces unto the isle of St Catharine, sufficient to
_ retake it from the Pirates, the honour and interest of his Majesty
Spain being very narrowly concerned herein. Otherwise the
ivates by such conquests might easily i course of time possess
_ themselves of all the countries thereabouts. Unto these reasons
: some were found who made answer: That the Pirates, as not
_ being able to subsist in the said island, would of necessity consume
and waste themselves, and be forced to quit tt without any necessity
of retaking it. That consequently it was not worth the while
___ to engage 1m so many expenses and troubles as might be foreseen
_ this would cost. Notwithstanding these reasons to the con-
trary, Don John, as one who was an expert and valiant soldier,
_ gave order that a quantity of provisions should be conveyed
4 _ to Porto Bello, for the use and service of the militia. And,
neither to be idle nor negligent in his master’s affairs, he
transported himself thither, with no small danger of his life.
Here he arrived the 7th day of July, with most things necessary
__ to the expedition in hand ; where he found in the port a good
ship, called S¢ Vincent, that belonged unto the Company of
_ the Negroes. This ship being of itself a strong vessel and
_ well mounted with guns, he manned and victualled very well,
4 and sent unto the isle of St Catharine, constituting Captain
_ Joseph Sanchez Ximenez, Mayor of the city of Porto Bello,
i Commander thereof. The people he carried with him
_ were, 270 soldiers, and 37 prisoners of the same island,
besides 34 Spaniards belonging to the garrison of Porto
24) FH, OLE OM Si CATHARINE
Bello, 29 mulattos of Panama, 12 Indians very dexterous
at shooting with bows and arrows, 7 expert and able gunners,
2 lieutenants, 2 pilots, one surgeon, and one religious man of
the Order of St Francis for their chaplain.
Don John soon after gave his orders to every one of the
officers, instructing them how they ought to behave themselves,
telling them withal that the Governor of Cartagena would
assist and supply them with more men, boats, and all things
else they should find necessary for that enterprize ; to which
effect he had already written unto the said Governor. On
the 24th day of the said month Don John commanded the
ship to weigh anchor and sail out of the port. Then, seeing
a fair wind to blow, he called before him all the people designed
for that expedition, and made them a speech, encouraging
them to fight against the enemies of their country and religion,
but more especially against those inhuman Pirates who had
heretofore committed so many horrid and cruel actions against
the subjects of his Catholic Majesty—withal promising to
every one of them most liberal rewards, but especially unto
such as should behave themselves as they ought in the service
of their king and country. Thus Don John bid them farewell,
and immediately the ship weighed anchor, and set sail under
a favourable gale of wind. The 22nd of the said month they
arrived at Cartagena, and presented a letter unto the Governor
of the said city from the noble and valiant Don John, who
received it with testimonies of great affection unto the person
of Don John and his Majesty’s service. And, seeing their
resolute courage to be conformable to his desires and expec-
tation, he promised them his assistance, which should be with
one frigate, one galleon, one boat, and 126 men, the one half
out of his own garrison, and the other half mulattos. Thus,
all of them being well provided with necessaries, they set
forth from the port of Cartagena the 2nd day of August, and
the roth of the said month they arrived within sight of the
isle of St Catharine, towards the Western point thereof. And,
although the wind was contrary, yet they reached the port,
and came to an anchor within it, having lost one of their boats,
by foul weather, at the rock called Quita Signos.
The Pirates, seeing our ships come to an anchor, gave
them presently three guns with bullets, the which were
soon answered in the same coin. Hereupon the Mayor
Joseph Sanchez Ximenez sent on shore unto the Pirates
one of his officers, to require them in the name of the
Catholic King, his Master, to surrender the island, seeing they
had taken it in the midst of peace between the two crowns
ee ER aE
THE ISLE OF ST CATHARINE § 125
of Spain and England, and that, in case they would be obsti-
nate, he would certainly put them all to the sword. The
Pirates made answer ; That island had once before belonged unto
the Government and dominions of the King of England ; and
that, instead of surrendering tt, they preferred to lose their lives.
On Friday, the 13th of the said month, three negroes, from
the enemy, came swimming aboard our Admiral. These
brought intelligence that all the Pirates that were upon the
island were only threescore-and-twelve in number, and that
they were under a great consternation, seeing such consider-
able forces come against them. With this intelligence the
Spaniards resolved to land and advance towards the fortresses,
the which ceased not to fire as many great guns against them
as they possibly could, which were corresponded in the same
manner on our side till dark night. On Sunday, the 15th
of the said month, which was the day of the Assumption of
Our Lady, the weather being very calm and clear, the Spani-
ards began to advance thus. The ship named St Vincent,
which rode Admiral, discharged two whole broadsides upon
the battery called the Conception. The ship called St Peter,
that was Vice-Admiral, discharged likewise her guns against
the other battery named St James. In the meanwhile our
people were landed in small boats, directing their course
towards the point of the battery last mentioned, and thence
they marched towards the gate called Cortadura. “The
lieutenant Frances de Cazeres, being desirous to view the
strength of the enemy, with only 15 men, was compelled to
retreat in all haste by reason of the great guns which played so
furiously upon the place where he stood, they shooting not only
pieces of iron and small bullets, but also the organs of the
church, discharging in every shot threescore pipes at a time/
Notwithstanding this heat of the enemy, Captain Don
Joseph Ramirez de Leyva, with threescore men, made a strong
attack, wherein they fought on both sides very desperately,
till that at last he overcame and forced the Pirates to surrender
the fort he had taken in hand.
On the other side, Captain John Galeno, with fourscore-
and-ten men, passed over the hills, to advance that way
towards the castle of St Teresa. In the meanwhile the Mayor
Don Joseph Sanchez Ximenez, as commander-in-chief, with
the rest of his men set forth from the battery of St James,
passing the fort with four boats, and landing in despite of the
enemy. About this same time Captain John Galeno began
to advance with the men he led unto the forementioned
fortress. So that our men made three attacks upon the enemy,
106 SURKENDER, OF THE PIRATES
on three several sides, at one and the same time, with great
courage and valour. Thus the Pirates, seeing many of their
men already killed and that they could in no manner subsist
any longer, retreated towards Cortadura, where they surren-
dered themselves and likewise the whole island into our hands.
Our people possessed themselves of all, and set up the Spanish
colours, as soon as they had rendered thanks to God Almighty
for the victory obtained on sucha signalized day. The number
of dead were six men of the enemy’s with many wounded,
and threescore-and-ten prisoners. On our side was found only
one man killed, and four wounded.
There was found upon the island 800 pound of powder,
250 pound of small bullets, with many other military pro-
visions. Among the prisoners were taken also two Spaniards
who had borne arms under the English against his Catholic
Majesty. These were commanded to be shot to death the
next day by order of the Mayor. The roth day of September
arrived at the isle an English vessel, which being seen at a
great distance by the Mayor, he gave order unto Le Sieur
Simon, who was a Frenchman, to go and visit the said ship,
and tell them that were on board the island belonged still
unto the English. He performed the commands, and found in
the said ship only 14 men, one woman and her daughter, who
were all instantly made prisoners.
The English Pirates were all transported to Porto Bello,
excepting only three, who by order of the Governor were
carried to Panama, there to work in the castle of St Jerome.
This fortification is an excellent piece of workmanship, and
very strong, being raised in the middle of the port, of quad-
rangular form, and of very hard stone. Its elevation or
height is 88 geometrical feet, the walls being 14 and the
curtains 75 feet diameter. It was built at the expense of
several private persons, the Governor of the city furnishing
the greatest part of the money ; so that it did not cost his
Majesty any sum at all.
ew
CHAPTER V
_ Some account of the island of Cuba. Capt. Morgan attempts to
oa preserve the isle of St Catharine as a refuge and nest unto
ei Pirates ; but fails of his designs. He arrives at and takes
_” the village of El Puerto del Principe
_/CapTAIn MorGan, seeing his predecessor and Admiral
_ Mansvelt was dead, endeavoured as much as he could, and
_ used all the means that were possible, to preserve and keep
_ in perpetual possession the Isle of St Catharine, seated nigh
unto that of Cuba. His principal intent was to consecrate it
as a refuge and sanctuary unto the Pirates of those parts,
_ putting it in a sufficient condition of being a convenient
_ receptacle or storehouse of their preys and robberies. Unto
__ this effect he left no stone unmoved whereby to compass his
_ designs, writing for the same purpose unto several merchants
_ that lived in Virginia and New England, and persuading them
_ to send him provisions and other necessary things towards
the putting the said island in such a posture of defence as it
a might neither fear any external dangers nor be moved at any
_ Suspicions of invasion from any side that might attempt
_ to disquiet it. At last all his thoughts and cares proved
_ ineffectual by the Spaniards retaking the said island. » Yet,
_ notwithstanding, Captain Morgan retained his ancient courage,
_ which instantly put him upon new designs. Thus he equipped
_ at first a ship, with intention to gather an entire fleet, both as
_ great and as strong as he could compass. By degrees he put
_ the whole matter in execution, and gave order unto every
_ member of this fleet, they should meet at a certain port of
_ Cuba. Here he determined to call a council, and deliberate
_ concerning what were best to be done, and what place first
_ they should fall upon. Leaving these new preparations in
_ this condition, I shall here give my reader some small account
127
128 THE ISEAND OF CUBA
of the aforementioned isle of Cuba, in whose ports this expe-
dition was hatched, seeing I omitted to do it in its proper
place.
The island of Cuba lies from East to West, in the latitude
and situation of twenty unto 23 degrees: North, being in length
150 German leagues and about 40 in breadth. Its fertility
is equal unto that of the island of Hispaniola. Besides which,
it affords many things proper for trading and commerce, such
as are hides of several beasts, particularly those that in Europe
are called Hides of Havana. On all sides it is surrounded with
a great number of small islands, which go altogether under the
name of Cayos. Of these little islands the Pirates make great
use, as of their own proper ports of refuge. Here most com-
monly they make their meetings and hold their councils, how
to assault more easily the Spaniards. It is thoroughly irrigated
on all sides with the streams of plentiful and pleasant rivers,
whose entries do form both secure and spacious ports, besides
many other harbours for ships, which along the calm shores
and coasts do adorn many parts of this rich and beautiful
island ; all which contribute very much unto its happiness, by
facilitating the exercise of trade, whereunto they invite both
natives and aliens. The chiefest of these ports are Santiago,
Bayame, Santa Maria, Espiritu Santo, Trinidad, Xagoa,
Cabo de Corrientes, and others, all which are seated on the
south side of the island. On the northern side hereof are
found the following: La Havana, Puerto Mariano, Santa
Cruz, Mata Ricos, and Barracoa.
This island has two principal cities, by which the whole
country is governed, and unto which all the towns and villages
thereof do give obedience. The first of these is named Santiago,
or St James, being seated on the South side, and having under
its jurisdiction one half of the island. The chief magistrates
hereof are a Bishop and a Governor, who command over the
villages and towns belonging to the half above-mentioned.
The chiefest of these are, on the Southern side Espiritu
Santo, Puerto del Principe, and Bayame ; on the North side
it has Barracoa and the town called De los Cayos. The
greatest part of the commerce driven at the aforementioned
city of Santiago comes from the Canary Islands, whither
they transport great quantity of tobacco, sugar, and hides :
which sorts of merchandize are drawn to the head city from
a
oe
ee a
CAPT. MORGAN EQUIPS A FLEET 129
the subordinate towns and villages. In former times this
city of Santiago was miserably sacked by the Pirates of Jamaica
and Tortuga, notwithstanding that it is defended by a con-
siderable castle.
The city and port De la Havana lies between the North and
West side of the island. This is one of the renownedest and
strongest places of all the West Indies. Its jurisdiction
extends over the other half of the island, the chiefest places
under it being Santa Cruz on the Northern side and La
Trinidad on the South. Hence is transported huge quantities
of tobacco, which is sent in great plenty unto New Spain and
Costa Rica, even as far as the South Sea ; besides many ships
laden with this commodity that are consigned to Spain and
other parts of Europe, not only in the leaf but also in rolls.
This city is defended by three castles, very great and strong,
two of which lie towards the port, and the other is seated upon
a hill that commands the town. ’Tis esteemed to contain
10,000 families, more or less ; among which number of people
the merchants of this place trade in New Spain, Campeche,
Honduras, and Florida. All the ships that come from the parts
aforementioned, as also from Caracas, Cartagena, and Costa
Rica, are necessitated to take their provisions in at Havana,
wherewith to make their voyage for Spain; this being the
necessary and straight course they ought to steer for the South
of Europe and other parts. The plate-fleet of Spain, which
the Spaniards call fota, being homeward bound, touches here
yearly, to take in the rest of their full cargo, as hides, tobacco,
and Campeche wood. .~
Captain Morgan had been no longer than two months in
the above-mentioned ports of the South of Cuba, when he
had got together a fleet of twelve sail, between ships and great
boats ; wherein he had 700 fighting men, part of which were
English and part French. They called a council, and some
were of opinion ’twere convenient to assault the city of Havana
under the obscurity of the night ; which enterprize, they said,
might easily be performed, especially if they could but take
any few of the ecclesiastics and make them prisoners—yea,
that the city might be sacked, before the castles could put
themselves in a posture of defence. Others propounded,
according to their several opinions, other attempts. Not-
withstanding, the former proposal was rejected, because many
K
130 ATTACK ON PUERTO DEL PRINCIPE
of the Pirates had been prisoners at other times in the said
city ; and these affirmed nothing of consequence could be done
unless with 1500 men. Moreover, that with all this number
of people they ought first to go unto the island De los Pinos,
and land them in small boats about Matamana, 14 leagues
distant from the aforesaid city, whereby to accomplish by these
means and order their designs.
Finally, they saw no possibility of gathering so great a fleet ;
and hereupon with that they had they concluded to attempt
some other place. Among the rest was found, at last, one who
propounded they should go and assault the town of El Puerto
del Principe. This proposition he endeavoured to persuade,
_by saying he knew that place very well, and that, being at a
distance from the sea, it never was sacked by any Pirates,
whereby the inhabitants were rich, as exercising their trade for
ready money with those of Havana, who kept here an estab-
lished commerce which consisted chiefly in hides. This
proposal was presently admitted by Captain Morgan and the
chiefest of his companions. And hereupon they gave order
to every Captain to weigh anchor and set sail, steering their
course towards that coast that lies nearest unto El Puerto del
Principe. Hereabouts is to be seen a bay named by the
Spaniards FE] Puerto de Santa Maria. Being arrived at this
bay, a certain Spaniard, who was prisoner on board the
fleet, swam ashore by night, and came unto the town of Puerto
del Principe, giving account to the inhabitants of the design
the Pirates had against them. This he affirmed to have over-
heard in their discourse, while they thought he did not under-
stand the English tongue. The Spaniards, as soon as they
received this fortunate advice, began instantly to hide their
riches, and carry away what movables they could. The
Governor also immediately raised all the people of the town,
both freeman and slaves ; and with part of them took a post
by which of necessity the Pirates were to pass. He commanded
likewise many trees to be cut down and laid amidst the ways
to hinder their passage. In like manner he placed several
ambuscades, which were strengthened with some pieces of
cannon, to play upon them on their march. He gathered in
all about 800 men, of which he distributed several into
the aforementioned ambuscades, and with the rest he begirt
the town, displaying them upon the plain of a spacious
a
al
Pence e-
faye OO arp mgers
PUERTO DEL PRINCIPE SURRENDERS 131
field, whence they could see the coming of the Pirates at
length.
Captain Morgan, with his men, being now upon the march,
found the avenues and passages unto the town impenetrable.
Hereupon they took the way through the wood, traversing it
with great difficulty, whereby they escaped divers ambuscades.
Thus at last they came into the plain aforementioned, which,
from its figure, is called by the Spaniards La Savana, or The
Sheet. The Governor, seeing them come, made a detach-
ment of a troop of horse, which he sent to charge them in the
front, thinking to disperse them, and, by putting them to
flight, pursue them with his main body. But this design
succeeded not as it was intended. For the Pirates marched
in very good rank and file, at the sound of their drums and
with flying colours. When they came nigh unto the horse,
they drew into the form of a semicircle, and thus advanced
towards the Spaniards; who charged them like valiant and
courageous soldiers for some while. But, seeing that the
Pirates were very dexterous at their arms, and their Governor
with many of their companions killed, they began to retreat
towards the wood. Here they designed to save themselves
with more advantage ; but, before they could reach it, the
greatest part of them were unfortunately killed by the hands
of the Pirates. Thus they left the victory unto these new-
come enemies, who had no considerable loss of men in this
battle, and but very few wounded, howbeit the skirmish
continued for the space of four hours. They entered the
town, though not without great resistance of such as were
within, who defended themselves as long as was possible, think-
ing by their defence to hinder the pillage. Hereupon many,
seeing the enemy within the town, shut themselves up in
their own houses, and thence made several shot against the
Pirates, who perceiving the mischief of this disadvantage,
presently began to threaten them saying: If you surrender
not voluntarily, you shall soon see the town in a flame, and your
wives and children torn in pieces before your faces. With these
menaces the Spaniards submitted entirely to the discretion of
the Pirates, believing they could not continue there long and
would soon be forced to dislodge.
As soon as the Pirates had possessed themselves of the town,
they enclosed all the Spaniards, both men, women, and children,
132 PUT TO RANSOM
and slaves, in several churches ; and gathered all the goods
they could find by way of pillage. Afterwards they searched
the whole country round about the town, bringing [in] day by
day many goods and prisoners, with much provision. With
this they fell to banqueting among themselves and making
great cheer after their customary way, without remembering
the poor prisoners, whom they permitted to starve in the
churches for hunger. In the meanwhile they ceased not to
torment them daily after an inhuman manner, thereby to
make them confess where they hid their goods, moneys, and
other things, though little or nothing was left them. Unto
this effect they punished also the women and little children,
giving them nothing to eat; whereby the greatest part
perished.
When they could find no more to rob, and that provisions
began to grow scarce, they thought it convenient to depart and
seek new fortunes in other places. Hence they intimated to
the prisoners: They should find moneys to ransom themselves,
else they should be all transported to Jamaica. Which being
done, tf they did not pay a second ransom for the town, they
would turn every house into ashes. The Spaniards, hearing these
severe menaces, nominated among themselves four fellow-
prisoners to go and seek for the above-mentioned contribu-
tions. But the Pirates, to the intent they should return
speedily with the ransoms prescribed, tormented several in
their presence, before they departed, with all the rigour
imaginable. After few days, the Spaniards returned from the
fatigue of their unreasonable commissions, telling Captain
Morgan: We have run up and down, and searched all the
neighbouring woods and places we most suspected, and yet have
not been able to find any of our own party, nor consequently any
Jruit of our embassy. Butif you are pleased to have a little longer
patience with us, we shall certainly cause all that you demand
to be paid within the space of fifteen days. Captain Morgan was
contented, as it should seem, to grant them this petition.
But, not long after, there came into the town seven or eight
Pirates, who had been ranging the woods and fields, and got
thereabouts some considerable booty. These brought among
other prisoners a certain negro, whom they had taken
with letters about him. Captain Morgan having perused them,
found they were from the Governor of Santiago, being written
FRENCH AND ENGLISH DISCORD 133
to some of the prisoners ; wherein he told them: They should
not make too much haste to pay any ransom for their town or
persons or any other pretext. But, on the contrary, they should put
off the Pirates as well as they could with excuses and delays, expect-
ing to be relieved by him within a short while, when he would
certainly come to theiy aid. This intelligence being heard by
Captain Morgan, he immediately gave orders that all they had
robbed should be carried on board the ships. And, withal, he
intimated to the Spaniards that the very next day they should
pay their ransoms forasmuch as he would not wait one moment
longer but reduce the whole town to ashes in case they failed
to perform the sum demanded.
With this intimation Captain Morgan made no mention unto
the Spaniards of the letters he had intercepted. Whereupon
they made him answer that it was totally impossible for them to
give such a sum of money in so short a space of time, seeing
their fellow-townsmen were not to be found in all the country
thereabouts. Captain Morgan knew full well their intentions,
and, withal, thought it not convenient to remain there any
longer time. Hence he demanded of them only 500 oxen or
cows, together with sufficient salt wherewith to salt them.
Hereunto he added only this condition, that they should carry
them on board his ships, which they promised to do. Thus he
departed with all his men, taking with him only six of the
principal prisoners, as pledges of what he intended. The
next day the Spaniards brought the cattle and salt to the ships,
and required the prisoners. But Captain Morgan refused to
deliver them till such time as they helped his men to kill and
salt the beeves. This was likewise performed in great haste, he
not caring to stay there any longer, lest he should be surprised
by the forces that were gathering against him. Having received
all on board his vessels, he set at liberty the prisoners he had
kept as hostages of his demands. / While these things were in
agitation, there happened to arise some dissensions between the
Englishmen and the French. The occasion of their discord was
as follows: A certain Frenchman being employed in. killing
and salting one of the beeves, an English Pirate came to him
and took away the marrow-bones he had taken out of the ox ;
which sort of meat these people esteem very much. Hereupon
they challenged one another. Being come unto the place of
duel, the Englishman drew his sword treacherously against
134 RETURN TO JAMAICA
the Frenchman, wounding him in the back, before he had put
himself into a just posture of defence ; whereby he suddenly
fell dead upon the place. The other Frenchmen, desirous to
revenge this base action, made an insurrection against the
English. But Captain Morgan soon extinguished this flame,
by commanding the criminal to be bound in chains, and thus
carried to Jamaica, promising to them all he would see justice
done upon him. For, although it were permitted unto him
to challenge his adversary, yet it was not lawful to kill him
treacherously, as he did.
As soon as all things were in readiness and on board the ships,
and likewise the prisoners set at liberty, they sailed thence,
directing their course to a certain island, where Captain
Morgan intended to make a dividend of what they had pur-
chased in that voyage. Being arrived at the place assigned,
they found nigh the value of 50,000 pieces-of-eight, both in
money and goods. The sum being known, it caused a general
resentment and grief, to see such a small purchase, which was
not sufficient to pay their debts at Jamaica. Hereupon
Captain Morgan propounded to them they should think upon
some other enterprize and pillage before they returned home.
But the Frenchmen, not being able to agree with the English,
separated from their company, leaving Captain Morgan alone
with those of his own nation, notwithstanding all the
persuasions he used to induce them to continue in his company.
Thus they parted with all external signs of friendship, Captain
Morgan reiterating his promises unto them that he would see
justice done upon that criminal. This he performed ; for,
being arrived at Jamaica, he caused him to be hanged, which
was all the satisfaction the French Pirates could expect.
CHAPTER VI
Captain Morgan resolves to attack and plunder the city of Porto
Bello. Unto this effect he equips a fleet, and with litle
expense and small forces takes the said place
SoME nations may think that, the French having deserted
Captain Morgan, the English alone could not have sufficient
courage to attempt such great actions as before. But Captain
Morgan, who always communicated vigour with his words,
infused such spirits into his men as were able to put every one
of them instantly upon new designs, they being all persuaded
by his reasons that the sole execution of his orders would be a
certain means of obtaining great riches. This persuasion had
such influence upon their minds that with inimitable courage
they all resolved to follow him. The same likewise did a
certain Pirate of Campeche, who in this occasion joined with
Captain Morgan to seek new fortunes under his conduct, and
greater advantages than he had found before. Thus Captain
Morgan in a few days gathered a fleet of nine sail, between
ships and great boats, wherein he had four-hundred-and-
threescore military men.
_ After that all things were in good posture of readiness,
they put forth to sea, Captain Morgan imparting the design
he had in his mind unto nobody for that present. He only
told them on several occasions that he held as indubitable he
should make a good fortune by that voyage, if strange occur-
rences altered not the course of his designs. They directed
their course towards the continent, where they arrived in few
days upon the coast of Costa Rica, with all their fleet entire.
No sooner had they discovered land than Captain Morgan
declared his intentions to the Captains, and presently after
| unto all the rest of the company. He told them he intended
in that expedition to plunder Porto ey ac that he would
| 135
176. EXPEDITION: TO(; PORTO BELLO
perform it by night, being resolved to put the whole city to
the sack, not the least corner escaping his diligence. More-
over, to encourage them, he added: This enterprize could not
fail to succeed well, seeing he had kept it secret in his mind
without revealing it to anybody ; whereby they could not have
notice of his coming. Unto this proposition some made answer :
They had not a sufficient number of men wherewith to assault so
strong and great a city. But Captain Morgan replied: Jf our
number ts small, our hearts are great. And the fewer persons we
are, the more union and better shares we shall have in the spoil.
Hereupon, being stimulated with the ambition of those vast
riches they promised themselves from their good success, they
unanimously concluded to venture upon that design. But
now, to the intent my reader may better comprehend the
incomparable boldness of this exploit, it may be necessary
to say something beforehand of the city of Porto Bello.
The city which bears this name in America is seated in the
Province of Costa Rica, under the latitude of 10 degrees
North, at the distance of 14 leagues from the Gulf of Darien,
and 8 Westwards from the port called Nombre de Dios. It is
judged to be the strongest place that the King of Spain
possesses in all the West Indies, excepting two, that is to say
Havana and Cartagena. Here are two castles, almost in-
expugnable, that defend the city, being situated at the entry
of the port, so that no ship or boat can pass without permission.
The garrison consists of three hundred soldiers, and the town
constantly inhabited by four hundred families, more or less.
The merchants dwell not here, but only reside for awhile,
when the galleons come or go from Spain, by reason of the
unhealthiness of the air, occasioned by certain vapours that
exhale from the mountains. Notwithstanding, their chief
warehouses are at Porto Bello, howbeit their habitations are
all the year long at Panama, whence they bring the plate upon
mules at such times as the fair begins, and when the ships
belonging to the Company of Negroes arrive here to sell slaves.
Captain Morgan, who knew very well all the avenues of this
city, as also all the neighbouring coasts, arrived in the dusk
of the evening at the place called Puerto de Naos, distant ten
leagues towards the West of Porto Bello. Being come unto
this place, they mounted the river in their ships, as far as
another harbour called Puerto Pontin, where they came to an
—————
EXPEDITION TO PORTO BELLO 137
anchor. Here they put themselves immediately into boats
and canoes, leaving in the ships only a few men to keep them
and conduct them the next day unto the port. About mid-
night they came to a certain place called Estera Longa Lemos,
where they all went on shore, and marched by land to the first
posts of the city. They had in their company a certain
Englishman who had been formerly a prisoner in those parts
and who now served them for a guide. Unto him, and three
or four more, they gave commission to take the sentry, if
possible, or kill him upon the place. But they laid hands on
him and apprehended him with such cunning that he had no
time to give warning with his musket or make any other noise.
Thus they brought him, with his hands bound, unto Captain
Morgan, who asked him: How things went in the city, and what
forces they had ; with many other circumstances, which he was
desirous to know. After every question, they made him a
thousand menaces to kill him, in case he declared not the truth.
Thus they began to advance towards the city, carrying always
the said sentry bound before them. Having marched about
one quarter of a league, they came unto the castle that is nigh
unto the city, which presently they closely surrounded, so that
no person could get either in or out of the said fortress.
Being thus posted under the walls of the castle, Captain
Morgan commanded the sentry whom they had taken prisoner
to speak unto those that were within, charging them to sur-
render and deliver themselves up to his discretion—otherwise
they should be all cut to pieces, without giving quarter to any
one. But they would hearken to none of these threats, beginning
instantly to fire ; which gave notice unto the city, and this
was suddenly alarmed. Yet, notwithstanding, although the
Governor and soldiers of the said castle made as great resist-
ance as .could be performed, they were constrained to
surrender unto the Pirates. These no sooner had taken the
castle but they resolved to be as good as their words, in putting
the Spaniards to the sword, thereby to strike a terror into the
rest of the city. Hereupon, having shut up all the soldiers
and officers as prisoners into one room, they instantly set fire
to the powder (whereof they found great quantity), and blew
up the whole castle into the air, with all the Spaniards that were
within. This being done, they pursued the course of their
victory, falling upon the city, which as yet was not in order
138 Aor ORT HE CAS Tiss
to receive them. Many of the inhabitants cast their precious
jewels and moneys into wells and cisterns, or hid them in other
places underground, to excuse, as much as were possible,
their being totally robbed. One party of the Pirates, being
assigned to this purpose, ran immediately to the cloisters, and
took as many religious men and women as they could find.
The Governor of the city not being able to rally the citizens
through the huge confusion of the town, retired unto one of
the castles remaining, and thence began to fire incessantly at
the Pirates. But these were not in the least negligent either
to assault him or defend themselves with all the courage
imaginable. Thus it was observable that, amidst the horror of
the assault, they made very few shot in vain. For, aiming
with great dexterity at the mouths of the guns, the Spaniards
were certain to lose one or two men every time they charged
each gun anew.
The assault of this castle where the Governor was continued
very furious on both sides, from break of day until noon.
Yea, about this time of the day the case was very dubious
which party should conquer or be conquered. At last the
Pirates, perceiving they had lost many men and as yet advanced
but little towards the gaining either this or the other castles
remaining, thought to make use of fireballs, which they threw
with their hands, designing if possible to burn the doors of
the castle. But, going about to put this into execution,
the Spaniards from the wall let fall great quantities of
stones and earthen pots full of powder and other combustible
matter, which forced them to desist from that attempt.
Captain Morgan, seeing this generous defence made by the
Spaniards, began to despair of the whole success of the
enterprize. Hereupon many faint and calm meditations came
into his mind ; neither could he determine which way to turn
himself in that straitness of affairs. Being involved in these
thoughts, he was suddenly animated to continue the assault
by seeing the English colours put forth at one of the lesser
castles, then entered by his men, of whom he presently after
spied a troop that came to meet him, proclaiming victory
with loud shouts of joy. This instantly put him upon new
resolutions of making new efforts to take the rest of the castles
that stood out against him, especially seeing the chiefest
citizens were fled unto them and had conveyed thither great
CAPTURE OF PORTO BELLO 139
part of their riches, with all the plate belonging to the churches
and other things dedicated to divine service,
Unto this effect, therefore, he ordered ten or twelve ladders
to be made, in all possible haste, so broad that three or four
men at once might ascend by them. These being finished,
he commanded all the religious men and women whom he
had taken prisoners to fix them against the walls of the castle.
Thus much he had beforehand threatened the Governor to
perform, in case he delivered not the castle. But his answer
was: He would never surrender himself alive. Captain
Morgan was much persuaded that the Governor would not
employ his utmost forces, seeing religious women and
ecclesiastical persons exposed in the front of the soldiers to the
greatest dangers. Thus the ladders, as I have said, were put
into the hands of religious persons of both sexes ; and these
were forced, at the head of the companies, to raise and apply
them to the walls. But Captain Morgan was fully deceived
in his judgment of this design. For the Governor who acted
like a brave and courageous soldier, refused not, in performance
of his duty, to use his utmost endeavours to destroy whosoever
came near the walls. The religious men and women ceased
not to cry unto him and beg of him by all the Saints of Heaven
he would deliver the castle, and hereby spare both his and their
own lives. But nothing could prevail with the obstinacy and
fierceness that had possessed the Governor’s mind. Thus
many of the religious men and nuns were killed before they
could fix the ladders—which at last being done, though with
great loss of the said religious people, the Pirates mounted
them in great numbers, and with no less valour, having fireballs
in their hands, and earthen pots full of powder—all which
things, being now at the top of the walls, they kindled and
cast in among the Spaniards.
This effort of the Pirates was very greatyinsomuch as the
Spaniards could no longer resist nor defend the castle, which
was now entered. Hereupon they all threw down their arms,
and craved quarter for their lives. Only the Governor of the
city would admit or crave no mercy, but rather killed many of
the Pirates with his own hands, and not a few of his own
soldiers, because they did not stand to their arms. And,
although the Pirates asked him if he would have quarter, yet
he constantly answered: By no means: I had rather die as
t40° hHE PIRATES IN PORTO. BEIEO
a valiant soldier than be hanged asa coward. They endeavoured,
as much as they could, to take him prisoner. But he defended
himself so obstinately that they were forced to kill him,
notwithstanding all the cries and tears of his own wife and
daughter, who begged of him upon their knees he would
demand quarter and save his life. When the Pirates had
possessed themselves of the castle, which was about night,
they enclosed therein all the prisoners they had taken, placing
the women and men by themselves with some guards upon
them. All the wounded were put into a certain apartment by
itself, to the intent their own complaints might be the cure of
their diseases, for no other was afforded them.
This being done, they fell to eating and drinking after
their usual manner—that is to say, committing in both these
things all manner of debauchery and excess. These two vices
were immediately followed by many insolent actions of rape
and adultery committed upon very honest women, as well
married as virgins, who being threatened with the sword
were constrained to submit their bodies to the violence
of these lewd and wicked men. After such manner
they delivered themselves up to all sort of debauchery
of this kind, that if there had been found only fifty
courageous men, they might easily have retaken the city,
and killed all the Pirates. The next day, having plundered
all they could find, they began to examine some of the
prisoners (who had been persuaded by their companions to
say they were the richest of the town), charging them severely
to discover where they had hidden their riches and goods.
But, not being able to extort anything out of them, as they
were not the right persons who possessed any wealth, they at
last resolved to torture them. This they performed with
such cruelty that many of them died upon the rack, or pres-
ently after. Soon after, the President of Panama had news
brought him of the pillage and ruin of Porto Bello. This
intelligence caused him to empioy all his care and industry to
raise forces, with design to pursue and cast out the Pirates
thence. But these cared little for what extraordinary means
the President used, as having their ships nigh at hand and
being determined to set fire unto the city and retreat. They
had now been at Porto Bello fifteen days, in which space of
time they had lost many of their men, both by the unhealthiness
CAPT. MORGAN AT PORTO BELLO 141
of the country and the extravagant debaucheries they had
committed.
Hereupon they prepared for a departure, carrying on board
their ships all the pillage they had gotten. But, before all,
they provided the fleet with sufficient victuals for the voyage.
While these things were getting ready, Captain Morgan sent
an injunction unto the prisoners, that they should pay him
a ransom for the city, or else he would by fire consume it to
ashes and blow up all the castles into the air. Withal he
commanded them to send speedily two persons to seek and
procure the sum he demanded, which amounted to 100,000
pieces-of-eight. Unto this effect two men were sent to the
President of Panama, who gave him an account of all these
tragedies. The President, having now a body of men in a
readiness, set forth immediately towards Porto Bello, to
encounter the Pirates before their retreat. But these people,
hearing of his coming, instead of flying away went out to meet
him at a narrow passage through which of necessity he ought to
pass. Here they placed an hundred men very well armed, the
which at the first encounter put to flight a good party of those
of Panama. This accident obliged the President to retire for
that time, as not being yet in a posture of strength to proceed
any farther. Presently after this encounter, he sent a message
unto Captain Morgan, to tell him: That, in case he departed
not suddenly with all his forces from Porto Bello, he ought to
expect no quarter for himself nor his companions, when he
should take them, as he hoped soon to do. Captain Morgan, who
feared not his threats, as knowing he had a secure retreat
in his ships which were nigh at hand, made him answer: He
would not deliver the castles before he had received the contribution-
money he had demanded. Which in case it were not paid down,
he would certainly burn the whole city, and then leave it, demolish-
ing beforehand the castles and killing the prisoners.
The Governor of Panama perceived by this answer no means
would serve to mollify the hearts of the Pirates, nor reduce
them to reason. Hereupon he determined to leave them, as
also those of the city, whom he came to relieve, involved in
the difficulties of making the best agreement they could with
their enemies. Thus in few days more the miserable citizens
gathered the contribution wherein they were fined, and brought
the entire sum of 100,000 pieces-of-eight unto the Pirates for
142 DEPARTURE: FOR. CUBA
a ransom of the cruel captivity they were fallen into. But
the President of Panama, by these transactions, was brought
into an extreme admiration, considering that four-hundred
men had been able to take such a great city with so many
strong castles, especially seeing they had no pieces of cannon
nor other great guns wherewith to raise batteries against them.
And, what was more, knowing that the citizens of Porto Bello
had always great repute of being good soldiers themselves,
and who had never wanted courage in their own defence.
This astonishment was so great that it occasioned him, for
to be satisfied herein, to send a messenger unto Captain
Morgan, desiring him to send him some small pattern of those
arms wherewith he had taken with such violence so great a
city. Captain Morgan received this messenger very kindly,
and treated him with great civility. Which being done, he
gave him a pistol and a few small bullets of lead, to carry back
unto the President, his master, telling him withal: He desired
him to accept that slender pattern of the arms wherewith he had
taken Porto Bello, and keep them for atwelvemonth ; after which
time he promised to come to Panama and fetch them away. The
Governor of Panama returned the present very soon to Captain
Morgan, giving him thanks for the favour of lending him
such weapons as he needed not, and withal sent him a ring of
gold, with this message: That he desired him not to give him-
self the labour of coming to Panama, as he had done to Porto
Bello, for he did certify to him, he should not speed so well here
as he had done there.
After these transactions, Captain Morgan (having provided
his fleet with all necessaries, and taken with him the best guns
of the castles, nailing the rest which he could not carry away)
set sail from Porto Bello with all his ships. With these he
arrived in few days unto the island of Cuba, where he sought
out a place wherein with all quiet and repose he might make the
dividend of the spoil they had gotten. They found in ready
money 250,000 pieces-of-eight, besides all other merchandizes,
as cloth, linen, silks, and other goods. With this rich purchase
they sailed again thence unto their common place of ren-
dezvous, Jamaica. Being arrived, they passed here some time
in all sorts of vices and debauchery, according to their common
manner of doing, spending with huge prodigality what others
had gained with no small labour and toil.
CHAPTER VII
Capiain Morgan takes the city of Maracaibo, on the coast of
New Venezuela. Piracies committed in those seas. Ruin
of three Spanish ships that were set forth to hinder the
robberies of the Pirates
Nort long after the arrival of the Pirates at Jamaica, being
precisely that short time they needed to lavish away all the
riches above-mentioned, they concluded upon another enter-
prize whereby to seek new fortunes. , Unto this effect Captain
Morgan gave orders to all the Commanders of his ships to meet
together at the island called De la Vaca, or Cow Isle, seated
on the South side of the isle of Hispaniola, as has been men-
tioned above. As soon as they came to this place, there
flocked unto them great numbers of other Pirates, both French
and English, by reason the name of Captain Morgan was now
rendered famous in all the neighbouring countries for the great
enterprizes he had performed. / There was at that present at
Jamaica an English ship newly come from New England,
well mounted with thirty-six guns. This vessel likewise, by
order of the Governor of Jamaica, came to join with Captain
Morgan to strengthen his fleet and give him greater courage to
attempt things of huge consequence. With this supply
Captain Morgan judged himself sufficiently strong, as having
a ship of such port being the greatest of his fleet, in his com-
pany. Notwithstanding, there being in the same _ place
another great vessel that carried 24 iron guns and twelve of
brass, belonging to the French, Captain Morgan endeavoured
as much as he could to join this ship in like manner unto his
own. But the French, not daring to repose any trust in the
English, of whose actions were not a little jealous, denied
absolutely to consent unto any such thing.
/ The French Pirates belonging to this great ship had accident-
ally met at sea an English vessel ; and, being then under an
: 143
144 CAPTAIN MORGAN’S TREACHERY
extreme necessity of victuals, they had taken some provisions
out of the English ship without paying for them, as having
peradventure no ready money on board. Only they had
given them bills-of-exchange, for Jamaica. and Tortuga, to
receive money there for what they had taken. - Captain
Morgan, having notice of this accident and perceiving he could
not prevail with the French Captain to follow him in that
expedition, resolved to lay hold on this occasion as a pretext
to ruin the French and seek his own revenge. Hereupon he
invited, with dissimulation, the French commander and
several of his men to dine with him on board the great ship
that was come from Jamaica, as was said before. Being
come thither, he made them all prisoners, pretending the
injury aforementioned done to the English vessel in taking
away some few provisions without pay.
This unjust action of Captain Morgan was soon followed by
divine punishment, as we may very rationally conceive. The
manner I shall instantly relate. Captain Morgan, presently
after he had taken the French prisoners abovesaid, called a
council to deliberate what place they should first pitch
upon, in the course of this new expedition. At this council
it was determined to go to the isle of Savona, there to wait
for the flota which was then expected from Spain, and take any
of the Spanish vessels that might chance to straggle from the
rest. This resolution being taken, they began on board the
great ship to feast one another for joy of their new voyage and
happy council, as they hoped it would prove. In testimony
hereof, they drank many healths, and discharged many guns,
as the common sign of mirth among seamen used to be. Most
of the men being drunk, by what accident is not known the ship
suddenly was blown up into the air, with 350 Englishmen,
besides the French prisoners above-mentioned that were in
the hold. Of all which number there escaped only thirty men,
who were in the great cabin at some distance from the main
force of the powder. Many more ’tis thought might have
escaped, had they not been so much overtaken with wine.
The loss of such a great ship brought much consternation
and conflict of mind upon the English. They knew not whom
to blame; but at last the accusation was laid upon the
French prisoners, whom they suspected to have fired the
powder of the ship wherein they were, out of design to revenge
A GREAT SHIP BLOWN UP 145
themselves, though with the loss of their own lives. Hereupon
they sought to be revenged on the French anew, and accumu-
late new accusations unto the former, whereby to seize the
ship and all that was in it. /With this design they forged
another pretext against the said ship, by saying the French
designed to commit piracy upon the English. The grounds
of this accusation were given them by a commission from the
Governor of Barracoa, found on board the French vessel,
wherein were these words: That the said Governor did permit
the French to trade in all Spanish ports, etc. . .. as also
to cruize upon the English Pirates in what place soever they
could find them, because of the multitude of hostilities which they
had committed against the subjects of his Catholic Majesty in
time of peace betwixt the two Crowns. This Commission for
trade was interpreted by the English as an express order to
exercise piracy and war against them, notwithstanding it
was only a bare licence for coming into the Spanish ports ;
the cloak of which permission were those words inserted :
That they should cruize upon the English. And, although the
French did sufficiently expound the true sense of the said
Commission, yet they could not clear themselves unto Captain
Morgan nor his council. But, in lieu hereof, the ship and men
were seized and sent unto Jamaica. Here they also en-
deavoured to obtain justice and the restitution of their ship,
by all the means possible. But all was in vain ; for, instead of
justice, they were long time detained in prison and threatened
with hanging.
Eight days after the loss of the said ship, Captain Morgan
commanded the bodies of the miserable wretches who were
blown up to be searched for, as they floated upon the waters of
the sea. This he did, not out of any design of affording them
Christian burial, but only to obtain the spoil of their clothes
and other attire. And, if any had golden rings on their fingers,
these were cut off for purchase, leaving them in that condition
exposed to the voracity of the monsters of the sea.” At last
they set sail for the isle of Savona, being the place of their
assignation. They were in all 15 vessels, Captain Morgan
commanding the biggest, which carried only 14 small guns.
The number of men belonging to this fleet were nine-hundred-
and-threescore. In few days after, they arrived at the Cape
called Cabo de Lobos, on the South side of the isle of His-
L
1446 STRATAGEM OF THE SPANIARDS
paniola, between Cape Tiburon and Cape Punta d’Espada.
Hence they could not pass, by reason of contrary winds that
continued the space of three weeks, notwithstanding all the
endeavours Captain Morgan used to get forth, leaving no
means unattempted thereunto. At the end of this time they
doubled the cape, and presently after spied an English vessel
at a distance. Having spoken with her, they found she came
from England, and bought of her for ready money some
provisions they stood in need of.
Captain Morgan proceeded in the course of his voyage, till
he came unto the port of Ocoa. Here he landed some of his
men, sending them into the woods to seek water and what
provisions they could find, the better to spare such as he had
already on board his fleet. They killed many beasts, and
among other animals some horses. But the Spaniards, being
not well satisfied at their hunting, attempted to lay a strata-
gem for the Pirates. Unto this purpose they ordered three or
four hundred men to come from the city of San Domingo, not.
far distant from this port, and desired them to hunt in all the
parts thereabouts adjoining the sea, to the intent that, if
any Pirates should return, they might find no subsistence.
Within a few days the same Pirates returned, with design to
hunt. But, finding nothing to kill, a party of them, being
about fifty in number, straggled farther on into the woods.
The Spaniards, who watched all their motions, gathered a great
herd of cows, and set two or three men to keep them. The
Pirates having spied this herd, killed a sufficient number there-
of ; and, although the Spaniards could see them at a distance,
yet they would not hinder their work for the present. But,
as soon as they attempted to carry them away, they set upon
them with all fury imaginable, crying: Mata, mata! that is,
Kill, kill! Thus the Pirates were soon compelled to quit the
prey, and retreat towards their ships as well as they could.
This they performed, notwithstanding, in good order, retiring
from time to time by degrees ; and, when they had any good
opportunity, discharging full volleys of shot upon the
Spaniards. By this means the Pirates killed many of the
enemies, though with some loss on their own side.
The rest of the Spaniards, seeing what damage they had
sustained, endeavoured to save themselves by flight, and
carry off the dead bodies and wounded of their companions.
'
'
i
t
t
z
ARRIVAL AT SAVONA 147
The Pirates, perceiving them to flee, could not content them-
selves with what hurt they had already done, but pursued
them speedily into the woods, and killed the greatest part of
those that were remaining. The next day Captain Morgan,
being extremely offended at what had passed, went himself
with 200 men into the woods, to seek for the rest of the
Spaniards. But, finding nobody there, he revenged his wrath
upon the houses of the poor and miserable rustics that inhabit
scatteringly those fields and woods: of which he burnt a
greatnumber. With this he returned unto his ships, something
more satisfied in his mind, for having done some considerable
damage unto the enemy, which was always his most ardent
desire.
The huge impatience wherewith Captain Morgan had waited
now this long while for some of his ships, which were not yet
arrived, made him resolve to set sail without them, and steer
his course for the isle of Savona, the place he had always
designed. Being arrived there, and not finding any of his
ships as yet come, he was more impatient and concerned than
before, as fearing their loss, or that he must proceed without
them. Nothwithstanding, he waited for their arrival some
few days longer. In the meanwhile, having no great plenty of
provisions, he sent a crew of 150 men to the isle of Hispaniola,
to pillage some towns that were nigh unto the city of San
Domingo. But the Spaniards, having had intelligence of
their coming, were now so vigilant and in such good posture
of defence that the Pirates thought it not convenient to assault
them, choosing rather to return empty-handed unto Captain
Morgan’s presence than to perish in that desperate enter-
prize.
At last Captain Morgan, seeing the other ships did not come,
made a review of his people, and found only five-hundred men,
more or less. The ships that were wanting were seven, he
having only eight in his company, of which the greatest part
were very small. Thus, having hitherto resolved to cruize
upon the coasts of Caracas, and plunder all the towns and
villages he could meet, finding himself at present with such
small forces, he changed his resolution, by the advice of a
French Captain that belonged to his fleet. This Frenchman had
served L’Ollonais in like enterprizes, and was at the taking
of Maracaibo, whereby he knew all the entries, passages,
148 THE ISLAND OF RUBA
forces, and means how to put in execution the same again
in the company of Captain Morgan, unto whom, having made
a full relation of all, he concluded to sack it again the second
time, as being himself persuaded, with all his men, of the
facility the Frenchman propounded. Hereupon they weighed
anchor, and steered their course towards Curacao. Being
come within sight of that island, they landed at another, which
is nigh unto it, and is called Ruba, seated about twelve leagues
from Curacao, towards the West. This island is defended but
by a slender garrison, and is inhabited by Indians, who are
subject to the Crown of Spain, and speak Spanish by reason of
the Roman Catholic religion, which is here cultivated by some
few priests that are sent from time to time from the neighbour-
ing continent.
The inhabitants of this isle exercise a certain commerce
or trade with the Pirates that go and come this way. These
buy of the islanders sheep, lambs, and kids, which they
_ exchange unto them for linen, thread, and other things of this
kind. The country is very dry and barren, the whole sub-
stance thereof consisting in those three thingsabove-mentioned,
and in a small quantity of wheat, which is of no bad quality,’
This isle produces a great number of venomous insects, as
vipers, spiders, and others. These last are so pernicious here
that, if any man is bitten by them, he dies mad. ‘And the
manner of recovering such persons is to tie them very fast
both hands and feet, and in this condition to leave them for
the space of four-and-twenty hours without eating or drinking
the least thing imaginable. “Captain Morgan, as was said,
having cast anchor before this island, bought of the inhabitants
many sheep, lambs, and also wood, which he needed for all
his fleet. “Having been there two days he set sail again, in the
time of the night, to the intent they might not see what course
he steered.
The next day they arrived at the sea of Maracaibo, having
always great care of not being seen from Vigilias, for which
reason they anchored out of the sight of the watch-tower.
Night being come, they set sail again towards the land, and the
next morning by break of day found themselves directly over
against the bar of the lake above-mentioned. The Spaniards had
built another fort since the action of L’Ollonais, whence they
did now fire continually against the Pirates, while they were
The Towne of Puerto
PUERTO DEL PRINCIPE TAKEN AND SACKED
MORGAN SAILS FOR MARACAIBO 151
putting their men into boats for to land. The dispute con-
tinued very hot on both sides, being managed with huge
courage and valour from morning till dark night. This being
come, Captain Morgan, in the obscurity thereof, drew nigh
unto the fort ; which having examined, he found nobody in
it, the Spaniards having deserted it not long before. They
left behind them a match kindled nigh unto a train of powder,
wherewith they designed to blow up the Pirates and the whole
fortress, as soon as they were in it. This design had taken
effect, had the Pirates failed to discover it the space of one
quarter of an hour. But Captain Morgan prevented the
mischief by snatching away the match with all speed, whereby
he saved both his own and his companions’ lives. They found
here great quantity of powder, whereof he provided his fleet ;
and afterwards demolished part of the walls, nailing sixteen
pieces of ordnance, which carried from 12 to 24 pound of bullet.
Here they found also great number of muskets and military
provisions.
The next day they commanded the ships to enter the bar ;
among which, they divided the powder, muskets, and other
things they found in the fort. These things being done, they
embarked again, to continue their course towards Maracaibo.
But the waters were very low, whereby they could not pass a
certain bank that lies at the entry of the lake. Hereupon they
were compelled to put themselves into canoes and small boats,
with which they arrived the next day before Maracaibo,
having no other defence but some small pieces which they
could carry in the said boats. Being landed, they ran immedi-
ately to the fort called De la Barra, which they found in like
manner as the preceding, without any person in it ; for all were
fled before them into the woods, leaving also the town without
any people, unless a few miserable poor folk who had nothing
to lose.
As soon as they had entered the town, the Pirates searched
every corner thereof, to see if they could find any people that
were hidden who might offend them at unawares. Not
finding anybody, every party, according as they came out of
their several ships, chose what houses they pleased to them-
selves, the best they could find. The church was deputed for
the common corps de garde, where they lived after their military
manner, committing many insolent actions. The next day
ay GIBRALTAR FOUND EMPTY
after their arrival, they sent a troop of 100 men to seek for the
inhabitants and their goods. These returned the next day
following, bringing with them to the number of thirty persons,
between men, women, and children, and fifty mules laden
with several good merchandize. All these miserable prisoners
were put to the rack, to make them confess where the rest of
the inhabitants were and their goods. Amongst other tor-
tures then used, one was to stretch their limbs with cords, and
at the same time beat them with sticks and other instruments.
Others had burning matches placed betwixt their fingers,
which were thus burnt alive. Others had slender cords or
matches twisted about their heads, till their eyes burst out of
the skull. Thus all sort of inhuman cruelties were executed
upon those innocent people. Those who would not confess, or
who had nothing to declare, died under the hands of those
tyrannical men. These tortures and racks continued for the
space of three whole weeks, in which time they ceased not to
send out, daily, parties of men to seek for more people to
torment and rob; they never returning home without booty
and new riches.
Captain Morgan, having now gotten by degrees into his hands
about one hundred of the chiefest families, with all their goods,
at last resolved to go to Gibraltar, even as L’Ollonais had done
before. With this design he equipped his fleet, providing it
very sufficiently with all necessary things. He put likewise
on board all the prisoners ; and thus, weighing anchor, set sail
for the said place, with resolution to hazard the battle. They
had sent before them some prisoners unto Gibraltar, to
denounce unto the inhabitants they should surrender : other-
wise Captain Morgan would certainly put them all to the
sword, without giving quarter to any person he should find
alive. Not long after, he arrived with his fleet before Gibraltar,
whose inhabitants received him with continual shooting of
great cannon-bullets. But the Pirates, instead of fainting
hereat, ceased not to encourage one another, saying: We
must make one meal upon bitter things before we come to taste the
sweetness of the sugar this place affords.
The next day, very early in the morning, they landed all
their men. And, being guided by the Frenchman above-
mentioned, they marched towards the town, not by the com-
mon way but crossing through the woods ; which way the
TORTURE OF AN IMBECILE 153
Spaniards scarce thought they would have come. For, at the
beginning of their march, they made appearance as if they
intended to come the next and open way that led unto the
town, hereby the better to deceive the Spaniards. But these,
remembering as yet full well what hostilities L’Ollonais had
committed upon them but two years before, thought it not safe
to expect the second brunt, and hereupon were all fled out of the
town as fast as they could, carrying with them all their goods
and riches as also all the powder, and having nailed all the
great guns: insomuch as the Pirates found not one person in
the whole city, excepting one only poor and innocent man who
was born a fool. This man they asked whither the inhabitants
were fled, and where they had absconded their goods. Unto
all which questions and the like he constantly made answer :
I know nothing, I know nothing. But they presently put him
to the rack, and tortured him with cords; which torments forced
him to cry out: Do not torture me any more, but come with me
and I will show you my goods and my riches. They were
persuaded, as it should seem, he was some rich person who had
disguised himself under those clothes so poor as also that
innocent tongue. Hereupon they went along with him; and
he conducted them to a poor and miserable cottage, wherein
he had a few earthen dishes and other things of little or no
value ; and amongst these, three pieces-of-eight, which he had
concealed with other trumpery underground. After this,
they asked him his name, and he readily made answer: My
name is Don Sebastian Sanchez, and I am brother unto the
Governor of Maracaibo. This foolish answer, it must be con-
ceived, these men, though never so inhuman, took for a certain
truth. For no sooner had they heard it, but they put him
again upon the rack, lifting him up on high with cords, and tying
huge weights unto his feet and neck ; besides which cruel and
stretching torment, they burnt him alive, applying palm-leaves
burning unto his face, under which miseries he died in half-an-
hour. After his death they cut the cords wherewith they had
stretched him, and dragged him forth into the adjoining woods,
where they left him without burial.
The same day they sent out a party of Pirates to seek for
the inhabitants, upon whom they might employ their inhuman
cruelties. These brought back with them an honest peasant
with two daughters .of his, whom they had taken prisoners,
154 CAPTAIN MORGAN AT GIBRALTAR
and whom they intended to torture as they used to do with
others, in case they showed not the places where the inhabi-
tants had absconded themselves. The peasant knew some of
the said places, and hereupon, seeing himself threatened with
the rack, went with the Pirates to show them. But the
Spaniards, perceiving their enemies to range everywhere up
and down the woods, were already fled thence much farther
off into the thickest parts of the said woods, where they built
themselves huts, to preserve from the violence of the weather
those few goods they had carried with them. The Pirates
judged themselves to be deceived by the said peasant ; and
hereupon, to revenge their wrath upon him, notwithstanding
all the excuses he could make and his humble supplications
for his life, they hanged him upon a tree.
After this, they divided into several parties, and went to
search the plantations. For they knew the Spaniards that
were absconded could not live upon what they found in the
woods, without coming now and then to seek provisions at
their own country-houses. Here they found a certain slave,
unto whom they promised mountains of gold and that they
would give him his liberty by transporting him unto Jamaica,
in case he would show them the places where the inhabitants
of Gibraltar lay hidden. This fellow conducted them unto a
party of Spaniards, whom they instantly made all prisoners,
commanding the said slave to kill some of them before the
eyes of the rest ; to the intent that by this perpetrated crime
he might never be able to leave their wicked company. The
negro, according to their orders, committed many murders and
insolent actions upon the Spaniards, and followed the unfor-
tunate traces of the Pirates, who, after the space of eight days,
returned unto Gibraltar with many prisoners and some mules
laden with riches. They examined every prisoner by himself
(who were in all about 250 persons) where they had absconded
the rest of their goods, and if they knew of their fellow-towns-
men. Such as would not confess were tormented after a most
cruel and inhuman manner. Among the rest, there happened
to be a certain Portuguese, who by the information of a negro
was reported, though falsely, to be very rich. This man was
commanded to produce his riches. But his answer was, he
had no more than 100 pieces-of-eight in the whole world, and
that these had been stolen from him two days before by a
TORTURE OF A PORTUGUESE 1655
servant of his. Which words, although he sealed with many
oaths and protestations, yet they would not believe. But
dragging him unto the rack, without any regard unto his age,
as being three-score years old, they stretched him with cords,
breaking both his arms behind his shoulders.
This cruelty went not alone. For he not being able or will-
ing to make any other declaration than the above said, they
put him to another sort of torment that was worse and more
barbarous than the preceding. They tied him with small cords
by his two thumbs and great-toes unto four stakes that were
fixed in the ground at a convenient distance, the whole weight
of his body being pendent in the air upon those cords. Then
they thrashed upon the cords with great sticks and all their
strength, so that the body of this miserable man was ready to
perish at every stroke, under the severity of those horrible
pains. Not satisfied as yet with this cruel torture, they took
a stone which weighed above 200 pound, and laid it upon his
belly, as if they intended to press him to death. At which
time they also kindled palm-leaves, and applied the flame unto
the face of this unfortunate Portuguese, burning with them the
whole skin, beard, and hair. At last these cruel tyrants, seeing
that neither with these tortures nor others they could get any-
thing out of him, they untied the cords, and carried him, being
almost half-dead, unto the church, where was their corps du
garde. Here they tied him anew to one of the pillars thereof,
leaving him in that condition, without giving him either to
eat or drink unless very sparingly and so little as would
scarce sustain life, for some days. Four or five being past,
he desired that one of the prisoners might have the liberty to
come to him, by whose means he promised he would endeavour
to raise some money to satisfy their demands. The prisoner
whom he required was brought unto him, and he ordered him
to promise the Pirates 500 spieces-of-eight for his ransom.
But they were both deaf and obstinate at such a small sum,
and, instead of accepting it, did beat him cruelly with cudgels,
saying unto him: Old fellow, instead of 500 you must say
500,000 preces-of-eight ; otherwise you shall here end your life.
Finally, after a thousand protestations that he was but a
miserable man and kept a poor tavern for his living, he agreed
with them for the sum of 1000 pieces-of-eight. These he
raised in few days, and, having paid them unto the Pirates,
156 SEARCH FOR THE GOVERNOR
got his liberty, although so horribly maimed in his body
that ‘tis scarce to be believed he could supervive many weeks
after.
Several other tortures besides these were exercised upon
others, which this Portuguese endured not. Some were
hanged up by the testicles or by their privy members and left
in that condition till they fell unto the ground, those private
parts being torn from their bodies. If with this they were
minded to show themselves merciful to those wretches, thus
lacerated in the most tender parts of their bodies, their mercy
was to run them through and through with their swords, and
by this means rid them soon of their pains and lives. Other-
wise, if this were not done, they used to lie four or five days
under the agonies of death, before dying. Others were cruci-
fied by these tyrants, and with kindled matches were burnt
between the joints of their fingers and toes. Others had their
feet put into the fire, and thus were left to be roasted alive.
At last, having used both these and other cruelties with the
white men, they began to practice the same over again with
the negroes, their slaves, who were treated with no less
inhumanity than their masters.
Among these slaves was found one who promised Captain
Morgan to conduct him unto a certain river belonging to the
lake, where he should find a ship and four boats richly laden
with goods that belonged unto the inhabitants of Maracaibo.
The same slave discovered likewise the place where the
Governor of Gibraltar lay hidden, together with the greatest
part of the women of the town. But all this he revealed,
through great menaces wherewith they threatened to hang him
in case he told not what he knew. Captain Morgan sent away
presently 200 men in two saéfzes, or great boats, towards the
river above-mentioned,to seek for what the slave had discovered.
But he himself, with two-hundred-and-fifty more, undertook
to goand take the Governor. This gentleman was retired unto
a small island seated in the middle of the river, where he had
built a little fort, after the best manner he could, for his defence.
But hearing that Captain Morgan came in person with great
forces to seek him, he retired farther off unto the top of a moun-
tain not much distant from that place; unto which there was
no ascent but by a very narrow passage—yea, this was so
straight that whosoever did pretend to gain the ascent must
RETURN TO GIBRALTAR 157
of necessity cause his men to pass one by one. Captain
Morgan spent two days before he could arrive at the little
island above-mentioned. Thence he designed to proceed unto
the mountain where the Governor was posted, had he not been
told of the impossibility he should find in the ascent, not only
of the narrowness of the path that led to the top, but also be-
cause the Governor was very well provided with all sorts of
ammunition above. Besides that, there was fallen an huge
rain, whereby all the baggage belonging to the Pirates, and
their powder, was wet. By this rain also they had lost many of
their men at the passage over a river that was overflown.
Here perished likewise some women and children, and many
mules laden with plate and other goods; all which they
had taken in the fields from the fugitive inhabitants. So
that all things were in a very bad condition with Captain
Morgan, and the bodies of his men as much harassed, as ought
to be inferred from this relation. Whereby, if the Spaniards in
that juncture of time had had but a troop of fifty men well
armed with pikes or spears, they might have entirely destroyed
the Pirates, without any possible resistance on their side. But
the fears which the Spaniards had conceived from the begin-
ning were so great, that, only hearing the leaves on the trees to
stir, they often fancied them to be Pirates. Finally, Captain
Morgan and his people, having upon this march sometimes
waded up to their middles in water for the space of half or
whole miles together, they at last escaped for the greatest part.
But of the women and children they brought home prisoners,
the major part died.
Thus twelve days after they set forth to seek the Governor,
they returned unto Gibraltar with a great number of prisoners.
Two days after, arrived also the two saéties that went unto the
river, bringing with them four boats and some prisoners. But,
as to the greatest part of the merchandize that were in the said
boats, they found them not, the Spaniards having unladed
and secured them, as having intelligence beforehand of the
coming of the Pirates. Whereupon they designed also, when
the merchandize were all taken out, to burn the boats. Yet
the Spaniards made not so much haste as was requisite to un-
lade the said vessels, but that they left both in the ship and
boats great parcels of goods, which, they being fled from thence,
the Pirates seized, and brought thereof a considerable booty
158 RETURN TO MARACAIBO
unto Gibraltar. Thus, after they had been in possession of
the place five entire weeks, and committed there infinite number
of murders, robberies, rapes, and suchlike insolences, they
concluded upon their departure. But, before this could be
performed, for the last proof of their tyranny they gave orders
unto some prisoners to go forth into the woods and fields, and
collect a ransom for the town ; otherwise they would certainly
burn every house down to the ground. Those poor afflicted
men went forth as they were sent. And, after they had
searched every corner of the adjoining fields and woods, they
returned to Captain Morgan, telling him they had scarce been
able to find anybody. But that unto such as they had found,
they had proposed his demands, to which had they made answer
that the Governor had prohibited them to give any ransom
for not burning the town. But, notwithstanding any pro-
hibition to the contrary, they beseeched him to have a little
patience, and among themselves they would collect to the sum
of 5000 pieces-of-eight ; and, for the rest, they would give him
some of their own townsmen as hostages, whom he might
carry with him to Maracaibo, till such time as he had received
full satisfaction.
Captain Morgan, having now been long time absent from
Maracaibo and knowing the Spaniards had had sufficient time
wherein to fortify themselves and hinder his departure out of
the lake, granted them their proposition above-mentioned ;
and withal made as much haste as he could to set things in
order for his departure. He gave liberty to all the prisoners,
having beforehand put them every one to the ransom; yet
he detained all the slaves with him. They delivered unto
him four persons that were agreed upon for hostages of what
sums of money more he was to receive from them ; and they
desired to have the slave of whom we made mention above,
intending to punish him according to his deserts. But
Captain Morgan would not deliver him, being persuaded they
would burn him alive. At last they weighed anchor, and set
sail with all the haste they could, directing their course towards
Maracaibo. Here they arrived in four days, and found all
things in the same posture they had left them when they
departed. Yet here they received news, from the information
of a poor distressed old man, who was sick and whom alone
they found in the town, that three Spanish men-of-war were
SPANISH MEN-OF-WAR 159
arrived at the entry of the lake, and there waited for the
return of the Pirates out of those parts. Moreover, that the
castle at the entry thereof was again put into a good posture
of defence, being well provided with guns and men and all
sorts of ammunition.
This relation of the old man could not choose but cause
some disturbance in the mind of Captain Morgan, who now
was careful how to get away through those narrow passages of
the entry of the lake. Hereupon he sent one of his boats, the
swiftest he had, to view the entry and see if things were as
they had been related. The next day the boat came back,
confirming what was said, and assuring they had viewed the
ships so nigh that they had been in great danger of the shot
they made at them. Hereunto they added that the biggest
ship was mounted with 40 guns, the second with 30, and the
smallest with four-and-twenty. These forces were much
beyond those of Captain Morgan; and hence they caused a
general consternation in all the Pirates, whose biggest vessel
had not above 14 small guns. Every one judged Captain
Morgan to despond in his mind and be destitute of all manner
of hopes, considering the difficulty either of passing safely with
his little fleet amidst those great ships and the fort, or that he
must perish. How to escape any other way by sea or land,
they saw no opportunity nor convenience. Only they could
have wished that those three ships had rather come over the
lake to seek them at Maracaibo than to remain at the mouth
of the strait where they were. For at that passage they
must of necessity fear the ruin of their fleet, which consisted
only for the greatest part of boats.
Hereupon, being necessitated to act as well as he could,
Captain Morgan resumed new courage, and resolved to show
himself as yet undaunted with these terrors. To this intent
he boldly sent a Spaniard unto the Admiral of those three
ships, demanding of him a considerable tribute or ransom
for not putting the city of Maracaibo to the flame. This
man (who doubtless was received by the Spaniards with
great admiration of the confidence and boldness of those
Pirates) returned two days after, bringing unto Captain
Morgan a letter from the said Admiral, whose contents were
as follows :—
160 LETTER TO MORGAN
Letter of Don Alonso del Campo y Espinosa, Admiral of the
Spanish Fleet, unto Captain Morgan, commander of
the pirates.
Having understood by all our friends and neighbours the unex-
pected news that you have dared to attempt and commit hostilities
in the countries, cities, towns, and villages belonging unto the
dominions of his Catholic Majesty, my Sovereign Lord and
Master, I let you understand by these lines that I am come. unto
this place, according to my obligation, nigh unto tha .astle
which you took out of the hands of a parcel of cowards. where
I have put things into a very good posture of defence, and mounted
again the artillery which you had nailed and dismounted. My
intent 1s to dispute with you your passage out of the lake, and
follow and pursue you everywhere, to the end you may see the
performance of my duty. Notwithstanding, 1f you be contented
to surrender with humility all that you have taken, together with
the slaves and all other prisoners, I will let you freely pass,
without trouble or molestation ; upon condi‘ ion that you retire
home presently unto your own country. But, acase that you make
any resistance or opposition unto these things that I proffer unto
you, I do assure you I will command boats to come from Caracas,
wherein I will put my troops, and, coming to Maracaibo, will
cause you utterly to perish, by putting you every man to the sword.
This 1s my last and absolute resolution. Be prudent, therefore,
and do not abuse my bounty with ingratitude. I have with me
very good soldiers, who desire nothing more ardently than to
revenge on you and your people all the cruelties and base infamous
actions you have committed upon the Spanish nation in America.
Dated on board the Royal Ship named the Magdalen, lying at
anchor at the entry of the Lake of Maracaibo, this 24th day of
April, 1669.
Don Alonso del Campo y Espinosa
As soon as Captain Morgan had received this letter, he called
all his men together in the market-place of Maracaibo ; and,
after reading the contents thereof, both in French and English,
he asked their advice and resolutions upon the whole matter,
and whether they had rather surrender all they had purchased,
to obtain their liberty, than fight for it.
They answered all unanimously : They had rather fight, and
spill the very last drop of blood they had in their veins, than
surrender so easily the booty they had gotten with so much danger
of their lives. Among the rest, one was found who said unto
MORGAN’S REPLY 161
Captain Morgan: Take you care for the rest, and I will under-
take to destroy the biggest of those ships with only twelve men.
The manner shall be by making a briilot, or fire-ship, of that
vessel we took in the river of Gibraltar—which, to the intent she
may not be known for a fire-ship, we will fill her decks with logs
of wood, standing with hats and montera caps", to deceive their
sight with the representation of men. The same we will do at the
port-holes that serve for guns, which shall be filled with counter-
feit cannon. At the stern we will hang out the English colours,
and persuade the enemy she is one of our best men-of-war that
goes to fight them. This proposition, being heard by the Junta?,
was admitted and approved of by every one, howbeit their
fears were not quite dispersed.
For, notwithstanding what had been concluded there, they
endeavoured the next day to see if they could come to an
accommodation with Don Alonso. Unto this effect Captain
Morgan sent him two persons, with these following proposi-
tions. First: That he would quit Maracaibo, without doing
any damage to the town, nor exacting any ransom for the firing
thereof. Secondly: That he would set at liberty one half of
the slaves, and likewise all other prisoners, without ransom.
Thirdly : That he would send home freely the four chief inhabi-
tants of Gibraltar which he had in his custody as hostages for the
contributions those people had promised to pay. These propo-
sitions from the Pirates, being understood by Don Alonso,
were instantly rejected by every one, as being dishonourable
for him to grant. Neither would he hear any word more of
any other accommodation, but sent back this message: That
in case they surrendered not themselves voluntarily into his hands
within the space of two days, under the conditions which he had
offered them by his letter, he would immediately come and force
them to do tt.
No sooner had Captain Morgan received this message from
Don Alonso than he put all things in order to fight, resolving
to get out of the lake by main force, and without surrendering
anything. In the first place, he commanded all the slaves and
1 Montera, a Spanish hunting-cap: cf. Hawkins, Voyage to the South
Seas [1593-1622], § xiii: ‘‘. . . upon their heads they weare a night-
capp, upon it a montero, and a hat over that.”
2 Junta, Spanish, a meeting, council: cf. Howell, Letters [1622], iii,
x: “a particular Junta of some of the Counsell of State and War might
be appointed to determine the businesse.’’
162 PIRATES RESOLVE TO FIGHT
prisoners to be tied and guarded very well. After this, they
gathered all the pitch, tar, and brimstone they could find in
the whole town, wherewith to prepare the fire-ship above-
mentioned. Likewise they made several inventions of powder
and brimstone, with great quantities of. palm-leaves, very well
ointed with tar. They covered very well their counterfeit
cannon, laying under every piece thereof many pounds of
powder. Besides which, they cut down many outworks
belonging to the ship, to the end the powder might exert its
strength the better. Thus they broke open also new port-
holes, where, instead of guns they placed little drums, of which
the negroes make use. Finally, the decks were handsomely
beset with many pieces of wood dressed up in the shape of
men with hats, as monteras, and likewise armed with swords,
muskets, and bandoliers.
The brilot, or fire-ship, being thus fitted to then’ purpose,
they prepared themselves to go to the entry of the port.
All the prisoners were put into one great boat, and in another
of the biggest they placed all the women, plate, jewels, and
other rich things which they had. Into others, they put all the
bales of goods and merchandize, and other things of greatest
bulk. Each of these boats had twelve men on board, very
well armed. The bvilot had orders to go before the rest of the
vessels, and presently to fall foul with the great ship. All
things being in readiness, Captain Morgan exacted an oath
of all his comrades, whereby they protested to defend them-
selves against the Spaniards even to the last drop of blood,
without demanding quarter at any rate: promising them
withal that whosoever thus behaved himself should be very
well rewarded.
With this disposition of mind and courageous resolution,
they set sail to seek the Spaniards on the 30th day of April,
1669. They found the Spanish fleet riding at anchor in the
middle of the entry of the lake. Captain Morgan, it being
now late and almost dark, commanded all his vessels to come
to an anchor, with design to fight thence even all night, if
they should provoke him thereunto. He gave orders that a
careful and vigilant watch should be kept on board every vessel
till the morning, they being almost within shot, as well as
within fight, of the enemy. The dawning of the day being
come, they weighed anchors, and set sail again, steering their
pehoufep vpruay yfiuody IY.
ALTEMPI TO TAKE THE CASTLE 165
course directly towards the Spaniards, who, observing them
to move, did instantly the same. The fire-ship, sailing before
the rest, fell presently upon the great ship, and grappled
to her sides in a short while. Which, by the Spaniards being
perceived to be a fire-ship, they attempted to escape the danger
by putting her off ; but in vain, and too late. For the flame
suddenly seized her timber and tackling, and in a short space
consumed all the stern, the forepart sinking into the sea,
whereby she perished. The second Spanish ship, perceiving
the Admiral to burn, not by accident but by industry of the
enemy, escaped towards the castle, where the Spaniards them-
selves caused her to sink, choosing this way of losing their
ship, rather than to fall into the hands of those Pirates, which
they held for inevitable. The third, as having no oppor-
tunity nor time to escape, was taken by the Pirates. The sea-
men that sank the second ship nigh unto the castle, perceiving
the Pirates to come towards them to take what remains they
could find of their ship-wreck (for some part of the bulk was
extant above water), set fire in like manner unto this vessel,
to the end the Pirates might enjoy nothing of that spoil. The
first ship being set on fire, some of the persons that were in her
swam towards the shore. These the Pirates would have taken
up in their boats, but they would neither ask nor admit of any
quarter, choosing rather to lose their lives than receive them
from the hands of'their persecutors, for such reasons as I shall
relate hereafter.
The Pirates were extremely gladded at this signal victory,
obtained in so short a time and with so great inequality of
forces ; whereby they conceived greater pride in their minds
than they had before. Hereupon they all presently ran ashore,
intending to take the castle. This they found very well pro-
vided both with men, great cannon, and ammunition—they
having no other arms than muskets and a few fire-balls in
their hands. Their own artillery they thought incapable, for
its smallness, of making any considerable breach in the walls.
Thus they spent the rest of that day firing at the garrison with
their muskets till the dusk of the evening, at which time they
attempted to advance nigh unto the walls, with intent to throw
in the fire-balls. But the Spaniards, resolving to sell their
lives as dear as they could, continued firing so furiously at
them that they thought it not convenient to approach any
166 THE SPANISH. PILOT'S: DEPOSITION
nearer nor persist any longer in that dispute. Thus, having
experienced the obstinacy of the enemy, and seeing thirty of
their own men already dead and as many more wounded, they
retired unto their ships.
The Spaniards, believing the Pirates would return the next
day to renew the attack, as also make use of their own cannon
against the castle, laboured very hard all night to put things
in order for their coming. But more particularly they em-
ployed themselves that night in digging down and making
plain some little hills and eminent places whence possibly the
castle might be offended.
But Captain Morgan intended not to come ashore again,
busying himself the next day in taking prisoners some of the
men who still swam alive upon the waters, and hoping to get
part of the riches that were lost in the two ships that perished.
Among the rest he took a certain pilot, who was a stranger and
who belonged to the lesser ship of the two, with whom he held
much discourse, inquiring of him several things. Such ques-
tions were: What number of people those three ships had had in
them ? Whether they expected any more ships to come? From
what port they set forth the last time, when they came to seek them
out ? His answer unto all these questions was as follows,
which he delivered in the Spanish tongue :
Noble Sir, be pleased to pardon and spare me, that no evil
be done unto me, as being a stranger unto this nation I have
served, and shall sincerely inform you of all [that] passed till our
arrival at this lake. We were sent by orders from the Supreme
Council of State in Spain, being 6 men-of-war well equipped
into these seas, with instructions to cruize upon the English
pirates, and root them out from these parts by destroying as many
of them as we could. These orders were given by reason of the
news brought unto the Court of Spain of the loss and ruin of
Porto Bello and other places. Of all which damages and hos-
tilities committed here by the English very dismal lamentations
have oftentimes penetrated the ears of both the Catholic King and
Council, unto whom belongs the care and preservation of this
New World. And, although the Spanish Court has many
times by their ambassadors sent complaints hereof unto the
King of England, yet it has been the constant answer of his
Majesty of Great Britain: That he never gave any letters-
patent nor commissions for the acting any hostility whatsoever
against the subjects of the King of Spain. Hereupon the Catholic
|
=a
THE SPANISH PILOT’S DEPOSITION 167
King, being resolved to revenge his subjects and punish these
proceedings, commanded six men-of-war to be equipped, which
he sent into these parts under the command of Don Augustin
de Bustos, who was constituted Admiral of the said fleet. He
commmanded the biggest ship thereof, named Na Sa’ de la Soledad,
mounted with eight-and-forty great guns and eight small ones.
The Vice-Admiral was Don Alonso del Campo y Espinosa, who
commanded the second ship, called La Concepcion, which carried
forty-four great guns and eight small ones. Besides which
vessels, there were also four more, whereof the first was named
the Magdalen, and was mounted with 36 great guns and 12 small
ones, having on board 250 men. The second was called St Lewis,
with 26 great guns, 12 small ones and 200 men. The third was
called La Marquesa, which carried 16 great guns, 8 small ones
and 150 men. The fourth and last, Na Sa! del Carmen, with 18
great guns, 8 small ones, and likewise 150 men.
We were now arrived at Cartagena, when the two greatest ships
received orders to return into Spain, as being judged too big for
cruizing upon these coasts. With the four ships remaining,
Don Alonso del Campo y Espinosa departed thence towards
Campeche, to seek out the English. We arrived at the port of
the said city, where, being surprised by a huge storm that blew
from the north we lost one of our four ships, being that which I
named in the last place among the rest. Hence we set sail for
the isle of Hispaniola, in sight of which we came within few days,
and directed our course unto the port of San Domingo. Here
we received intelligence there had passed that way a fleet from
Jamaica, and that some men thereof having landed at a place
called Alta Gracia, the inhabitants had taken one of them prisoner,
who confessed their whole design was to go and pillage the city
of Caracas. With these news Don Alonso instantly weighed
anchor, and set sail thence, crossing over unto the continent, till
we came in sight of Caracas. Here we found not the English,
but happened to meet with a boat which certified us they were in
the Lake of Maracaibo, and that the fleet consisted of 7 small
ships and one boat.
Upon this intelligence we arrived here; and, coming nigh
unto the entry of the lake, we shot off a gun to demand a pilot from
the shore. Those on land, percewwing that we were Spaniards,
came willingly to us with a pilot, and told us that the English
had taken the city of Maracatbo, and that they were at present
at the pillage of Gibraltar. Don Alonso, having understood this
news, made a handsome speech to all his soldiers and mariners,
encouraging them to perform their duty, and withal promising
1 Nuestra Sefiora, Our Lady.
168 RANSOM AGAIN DEMANDED
to divide among them all they should take from the English.
After this, he gave order that the guns which we had taken out
of the ship that was lost should be put into the castle, and there
mounted for its defence, with 2 pieces more out of his own ship,
of 18 pounds port each. The pilots conducted us into the port,
and Don Alonso commanded the people that were on shore to come
unto his presence, unto whom he gave orders to repossess the
castle, and reinforce tt with 100 men more than it had before tts
being taken by the English. Not long after, we received news
that you were returned from Gibraltar unto Maracaibo, unto
which place Don Alonso wrote you a letter, giving you account
of his arrival and design, and withal exhorting you to restore
all that you had taken. This you refused to do; whereupon he
renewed his promises and intentions to his soldiers and seamen.
And, having given a very good supper unto all his people, he
persuaded them neither to take nor give any quarter unto the
English that should fall into their hands. This was the occasion
of so many being drowned, who dared not to crave any quarter
for their lives, as knowing their own intentions of giving none.
Two days before you came against us, a certain negro came on
board Don Alonso’s ship, telling him: Sir, be pleased to have
great care of yourself, for the English have prepared a fire-ship
with desire to burn your fleet. But Don Alonso would not believe
this intelligence, his answer being: How can that be? Have
they, peradventure, wit enough to build a fireship? or what
instruments have they [to] do tt withal ? /
The pilot above-mentioned, having related so distinctly all
the aforesaid things unto Captain Morgan, was very well used
by him, and, after some kind proffers made unto him, remained
in hisservice. He discovered, moreover, unto Captain Morgan,
that in the ship which was sunk there was a great quantity of
plate, even to the value of 40,000 pieces-of-eight ; and that
this was certainly the occasion they had oftentimes seen the
Spaniards in boats about the said ship. Hereupon Captain
Morgan ordered that one of his ships should remain there to
watch all occasions of getting out of the said vessel what plate
they could. In the meanwhile he himself, with all his fleet,
returned unto Maracaibo, where he refitted the great ship he
had taken of the three afore-mentioned. And, now being well
accommodated, he chose it for himself, giving his own bottom
to one of his Captains.
After this he sent again a messenger unto the Admiral, who
THE RANSOM IS PAID 169
was escaped on shore and got into the castle, demanding of him
a tribute or ransom of fire for the town of Maracaibo ; which
being denied, he threatened he would entirely consume and
destroy it. The Spaniards, considering how unfortunate they
had been all along with those Pirates, and not knowing after
what manner to get rid of them, concluded among themselves
to pay the said ransom, although Don Alonso would not consent
unto it.
Hereupon they sent unto Captain Morgan to ask what sum
he demanded. He answered them he would have 30,000
pieces-of-eight, and 500 beeves, to the intent his fleet might be
well victualled with flesh. This ransom being paid, he promised
in such case he would give no farther trouble unto the prisoners,
nor cause any ruin or damage unto the town. Finally they
agreed with him upon the sum of 20,000 pieces-of-eight,
besides the 500 beeves. The cattle the Spaniards brought in
the next day, together with one part of the money. And,
while the pirates were busied in salting the flesh, they returned
with the rest of the whole sum of 20,000 pieces-of-eight, for
which they had agreed.
But Captain Morgan would not deliver for that present the
prisoners, as he had promised to do, by reason he feared the
shot of the artillery of the castle at his going forth of the lake.
Hereupon he told them he intended not to deliver them till
such time as he was out of that danger, hoping by this means
to obtain a free passage. Thus he set sail with all his fleet
in quest of that ship which he had left behind, to seek for the
plate of the vessel that was burnt. He found her upon the
place, with the sum of 15,000 pieces-of-eight, which they had
purchased out of the wreck, besides many other pieces of plate,
as hilts of swords and other things of this kind; also great
quantity of pieces-of-eight that were melted and run together
by the force of the fire of the said ship.
Captain Morgan scarce thought himself secure, neither could
he contrive how to evade the damages the said castle might
cause unto his fleet. Hereupon he told the prisoners it was
necessary they should agree with the Governor to open the
passage with security for his fleet ; unto which point, if he
should not consent, he would certainly hang them all up in his
ships. After this warning the prisoners met together to confer
upon the persons they should depute unto the said Governor
170 DEPUTATION TO THE GOVERNOR
Don Alonso ; and they assigned some few among them for that
embassy. These went unto him, beseeching and supplicating
the Admiral he would have compassion and pity on those
afflicted prisoners who were as yet, together with their wives
and children, in the hands of Captain Morgan, and that unto this
effect he would be pleased to give his word to let the whole fleet
of Pirates freely pass, without any molestation, forasmuch as
this would be the only remedy of saving both the lives of them
that came with this petition as also of those who remained
behind in captivity—all being equally menaced with the sword
and gallows, in case he granted not this humble request. But
Don Alonso gave them for answer a sharp reprehension of their
cowardice, telling them: Jf you had been as loyal unto your
King in hindering the entry of these Pirates as I shall do their
going out, you had never caused these troubles, neither unto
yourselves nor unto our whole nation, which have suffered so much
through your pusillanimity. Ina word, I shall never grant your
vequest, but shall endeavour to maintain that respect which is due
unto my King, according to my duty.
Thus the Spaniards returned to their fellow-prisoners with
much consternation of mind and no hopes of obtaining their
requests, telling unto Captain Morgan what answer they had
received. His reply was: Jf Don Alonso will not let me pass,
I will find means how to do it without him. Hereupon he began
presently to make a dividend of all the booty they had taken
in that voyage, fearing lest he might not have an opportunity
of doing it in another place, if any tempest should arise and
separate the ships, as also being jealous that any of the Com-
manders might run away with the best part of the spoil which
then did lie much more in one vessel than another. Thus they
all brought in, according to their laws, and declared what they
had ; having beforehand made an oath not to conceal the least
thing from the public. The accounts being cast up, they found
to the value of 250,000 pieces-of-eight in money and jewels,
besides the huge quantity of merchandize and slaves: all
which purchase was divided into every ship or boat, according
to its share.
The dividend being made, the question still remained on foot
how they should pass the castle and get out of the lake. Unto
this effect they made use of a stratagem, of no ill invention,
which was as follows. On the day that preceded the night
—————
MORGAN’S STRATAGEM 171
wherein they determined to get forth, they embarked many of
their men in canoes, and rowed towards the shore, as if they
' designed tolandthem. Here they concealed themselves under
the branches of trees that hang over the coast for a while till
they had laid themselves down along in the boats. Then the
canoes returned unto the ships, with the appearance only of two
or three men rowing them back, all the rest being concealed at
the bottom of the canoes. Thus much only could be perceived
from the castle ; and this action of false landing of men, for so
we may call it, was repeated that day several times. Hereby
the Spaniards were brought into persuasion the Pirates in-
tended to force the castle by scaling it, as soon as night should
come. This fear caused them to place most of their great guns
on that side which looks towards the land, together with the
main force of their arms, leaving the contrary side belonging
to the sea almost destitute of strength and defence.
Night being come, they weighed anchor, and by the light of
the moon, without setting sail, committed themselves to the
ebbing tide, which gently brought them down the river, till
they were nigh unto the castle. Being now almost over against
it, they spread their sails with all the haste they could possibly
make. The Spaniards, perceiving them to escape, transported
with all speed their guns from the other side of the castle, and
began to fire very furiously at the Pirates. But these, having
a favourable wind, were almost past the danger before those of
the castle could put things into convenient order of offence.
So that the Pirates lost not many of their men, nor received
any considerable damage in their ships. Being now out of
the reach of the guns, Captain Morgan sent a canoe unto the
castle with some of the prisoners ; and the Governor thereof
gave them a boat that every one might return to his own home.
Notwithstanding, he detained the hostages he had from
Gibraltar, by reason those of that town were not as yet come to
pay the rest of the ransom for not firing the place. Just as he
departed, Captain Morgan ordered seven great guns with
bullets to be fired against the castle, as it were to take his leave
of them. But they answered not so much as with a musket-
shot.
The next day after their departure, they were surprised with
a great tempest, which forced them to cast anchor in the depth
of 5 or 6 fathom water. But the storm increased so much that
172 ATTEMPT ON COMANA
they were compelled to weigh again and put out to sea, where
they were in great danger of being lost. For if on either side
they should have been cast on shore, either to fall into the
hands of the Spaniards or of the Indians, they would certainly
have obtained no mercy. At last the tempest being spent,
the wind ceased, which caused much content and joy in the
whole fleet.
While Captain Morgan made his fortune by pillaging the
towns above-mentioned, the rest of his companions, who
separated from his fleet at the Cape de Lobos for to take the
ship of which was spoken before, endured much misery, and
were very unfortunate in all their attempts. For, being
arrived at the isle of Savona, they found not Captain Morgan
there, nor any of their companions. Neither had they the
good fortune to find a letter which Captain Morgan at his
departure left behind him in a certain place where in all prob-
ability they would meet with it. Thus, not knowing what course
to steer, they at last concluded to pillage some town or other,
whereby to seek their fortune. They were in all 400 men, more
or less, who were divided into ships and one boat. Being ready
to set forth, they constituted an Admiral among themselves,
by whom they might be directed in the whole affair.
Unto this effect they chose a certain person who had _ be-
haved himself very courageously at the taking of Porto Bello,
and whose name was Captain Hansel. This Commander
resolved to attempt the taking of the town of Comana, seated
nigh upon the continent of Caracas, nigh threescore leagues
from the West side of the isle of Trinidad. Being arrived
there, they landed their men, and killed some few Indians
that were near the coast. But approaching unto the town,
the Spaniards, having in their company many Indians, dis-
puted them the entry so briskly that with great loss and in
great confusion they were forced to retire towards their ships.
At last they arrived at Jamaica, where the rest of their
companions who came with Captain Morgan ceased not to
mock and jeer them for their ill success at Comana, often
telling them: Let us see what money you brought from Comana,
and wf it be as good silver as that which we bring from Maracaibo.
The end of the Second Part
PARI fi!
CHAPTER I
Captain Morgan goes to the isle of Hispaniola to equip anew fleet,
with intent to pillage again upon the coasts of the West
Indies
CAPTAIN MorGAN perceived now that fortune favoured his
arms by giving good success to all his enterprizes, which
occasioned him, as it is usual in human affairs, to aspire to
greater things, trusting she would always be constant unto
him. Such was the burning of Panama, wherein fortune
failed not to assist him, in like manner as she had done before,
crowning the event of his actions with victory, howbeit she had
led him thereunto through thousands of difficulties. The
history hereof I shall now begin to relate, as being so much
remarkable in all its circumstances as peradventure nothing
more deserving memory may occur to be read by future ages.
Not long after Captain Morgan arrived at Jamaica, he
found many of his chief officers and soldiers reduced to their
former state of indigence through their immoderate vices
and debauchery. Hence they ceased not to importune him
for new invasions and exploits, thereby to get something to
expend anew in wine and strumpets, as they had already
wasted what was purchased so little before... Captain Morgan,
being willing to follow fortune while she called him, hereupon
stopped the mouths of many of the inhabitants of Jamaica,
who were creditors to his men for large sums of money, with
the hopes and promises he gave them of greater achievements
than ever by a new expedition he was going about. This
being done, he needed not give himself much trouble to levy
men for this or any other enterprize, his name being now so
173
174. MORGAN EQUIPS A NEW FLEET
famous through all those islands as that alone would readily
bring him in more men than he could well employ.” He under-
took, therefore, to equip a new fleet of ships ; for which purpose
he assigned the South side of the isle of Tortuga as a place of
rendezvous. With this resolution, he wrote divers letters
to all the ancient and expert Pirates there inhabiting, as also
to the Governor of the said isle, and to the planters and hunters
of Hispaniola, giving them to understand his intentions, and
desiring their appearance at the said place, in case they intended
to go with him. All these people had no sooner understood
his designs but they flocked unto the place assigned in huge
numbers, with ships, canoes, and boats, being desirous to obey
his commands. Many who had not the convenience of coming
unto him by sea traversed the woods of Hispaniola, and with
no small difficulties arrived there by land. Thus all were
present at the place assigned, and in readiness, against the 24th
day of October, 1670.
Captain Morgan was not wanting to be there according to
his punctual custom, who came in his ship unto the same side
of the island, to a port called by the French Port Couillon,
over against the island De la Vaca, this being the place which
he had assigned unto others. Having now gathered the
greatest part of his fleet, he called a council, to deliberate about
the means of finding provisions sufficient for so many people.
Here they concluded to send four ships and one boat, manned
with 400 men, over to the continent, to the intent they should
rifle some country-towns and villages, and in these get all the
corn or maize they could gather. They set sail for the con-
tinent, towards the river De la Hacha, with design to assault
a small village called La Rancheria, where is usually to be
found the greatest quantity of maize of all those parts there-
abouts. In the meanwhile Captain Morgan sent another
party of his men to hunt in the woods, who killed there an
huge number of beasts, and salted them. The rest of his
companions remained in the ships, to clean, fit, and rig them
out to sea, so, at the return of those who were sent abroad,
all things might be in readiness to weigh anchor and follow
the course of their designs.
CHAPTER II
What happened in the river De la Hacha
TuE four ships above-mentioned, after they had set sail from
Hispaniola, steered their course till they came within sight of
the river De la Hacha, where they were suddenly overtaken
with atediouscalm. Being thus within sight of land becalmed
for some days, the Spaniards inhabiting along the coasts, who
had perceived them to be enemies, had sufficient time to pre-
pare themselves for the assault, at least to hide the best part of
their goods, to the end that, without any care of preserving
them, they might be in readiness to retire when they found
themselves unable to resist the force of the Pirates, by
whose frequent attempts upon those coasts they had
already learnt what they had to do in such cases.
There was in the river at that present a good ship, which
was come from Cartagena to lade maize, and was now when
the Pirates came almost ready to depart. The men
belonging to this ship endeavoured to escape, but, not
being able to do it, both they and the vessel fell into their
hands. This was a fit purchase for their mind, as being good
part of what they came to seek for with so much care and toil.
The next morning about break of day they came with their
ships towards the shore, and landed their men, although the
Spaniards made huge resistance from a battery which they
had raised on that side where of necessity they were to land ;
but, notwithstanding what defence they could make, they were
forced to retire towards a village, unto which the Pirates
followed them. Here the Spaniards, rallying again, fell upon
them with great fury, and maintained a strong combat, which
lasted till night was come ; but then, perceiving they had lost
great number of men, which was no smaller on the Pirates’
side, they retired unto places more occult in the woods.
175
P76 SN TE RIVER DE EA TEAC ELA
The next day when the Pirates saw they were all fled, and
the town left totally empty of people, they pursued them as
far as they could possibly. In this pursuit they overtook a
party of Spaniards, whom they made all prisoners and exer-
cised the most cruel torments, to discover where they had
hidden their goods: some were found who by the force of
intolerable tortures confessed, but others who would not do the
same were used more barbarously than the former. Thus, in
the space of fifteen days that they remained there, they took
many prisoners, much plate and movable goods, with all
other things they could rob, with which booty they resolved
to return unto Hispaniola. Yet, not contented with what
they had already got, they dispatched some prisoners into the
woods to seek for the rest of the inhabitants, and to demand
of them a ransom for not burning the town. Unto this they
answered, they had no money nor plate; but, in case they
would be satisfied with a certain quantity of maize, they
would give as muchas they could afford. The Pirates accepted
this proffer, as being more useful to them at that occasion than
ready money, and agreed they should pay 4000 hanegs?
(or bushels) of maize. These were brought in three days after,
the Spaniards being desirous to rid themselves as soon as
possible of that inhuman sort of people. Having laded them
on board their ships, together with all the rest of their pur-
chase, they returned unto the island of Hispaniola, to give
account unto their leader, Captain Morgan, of all they had
performed.
They had now been absent five entire weeks, about the
commission aforementioned, which long delay occasioned
Captain Morgan almost to despair of their return, as fearing
lest they were fallen into the hands of the Spaniards, especially
considering that the place whereunto they went could easily
be relieved from Cartagena and Santa Maria, if the inhabitants
were anything careful to alarm the country: on the other side
he feared lest they should have made some great fortune in
that voyage, and with it escaped to some other place. But at
last seeing his ships return, and in greater number than they
had departed, he resumed new courage, this sight causing
both him and his companions infinite joy. This was much
1 hanega, Portug. fanega, a dry measure of capacity, about a
bushel to a bushel and a half English.
FIGHTING STRENGTH OF THE FLEET 177
increased when, being arrived, they found them full laden
with maize, whereof they stood in great need for the main-
tenance of so many people, by whose help they expected great
matters through the conduct of their Commander.
After Captain Morgan had divided the said maize, as also
the flesh which the hunters brought in, among all the ships
according to the number of men that were in every vessel,
he concluded upon the departure, having viewed beforehand
every ship, and observed their being well equipped and clean.
Thus he set sail, and directed his course towards Cape Tiburon,
where he determined to take his measures and resolution of
what enterprize he should take in hand. No sooner were they
arrived there but they met with some other ships that came
newly to join them from Jamaica. So that now the whole
fleet consisted of 37 ships, wherein were 2000 fighting men,
besides mariners and boys ; the Admiral hereof was mounted
with 22 great guns and 6 small ones, of brass ; the rest carried
some 20, some 16, some 18, and the smallest vessel at least 4,
besides which they had great quantity of ammunition and
fire balls, with other inventions of powder.
Captain Morgan finding himself with such a great number of
ships, divided the whole fleet into two squadrons, constituting
a Vice-Admiral, and other officers and Commanders of the
second squadron, distinct from the former. Unto every one
of these he gave letters patent, or commissions, to act all
manner of hostility against the Spanish nation, and take of
them what ships they could, either abroad at sea or in the
harbours, in like manner as if they were open and declared
enemies (as he termed it) of the King of England, his pretended
master. This being done, he called all his Captains and
other officers together, and caused them to sign some articles
of common agreement betwixt them, and in the name of all.
Herein it was stipulated that he should have the hundredth
part of all that was gotten to himself alone: That every
captain should draw the shares of eight men, for the expenses
of his ship, besides his own: That the surgeon, besides his
ordinary pay, should have 200 pieces-of-eight, for his chest
of medicaments: And every carpenter, above his common
salary, should draw 100 pieces-of-eight. As to recompenses
and rewards, they were regulated in this voyage much higher
than was expressed in the First Part of this book. Thus, for
N
178 DECISION TO ATTACK PANAMA
the loss of both legs, they assigned 1500 pieces-of-eight or 15
slaves, the choice being left to the election of the party ; for
the loss of both hands, 1800 pieces-of-eight or 18 slaves ; for one
leg, whether the right or the left, 600 pieces-of-eight or 6 slaves ;
for a hand, as much as fora leg ; and for the loss of an eye, 100
pieces-of-eight or 1 slave. Lastly, unto him that in any battle
should signalize himself, either byentering the first any castle, or
taking down the Spanish colours and setting up the English,
they constituted 50 pieces-of-eight for a reward. In the head
of these articles it was stipulated that all these extraordinary
salaries, recompenses, and rewards should be paid out of the
first spoil or purchase they should take, according as every
one should then occur to be either rewarded or paid.
This contract being signed, Captain Morgan commanded his
Vice-Admirals and Captains to put all things in order, every
one in his ship, for to go and attempt one of three places, either
Cartagena, Panama, or Vera Cruz; but the lot fell upon
Panama as being believed to be the richest of all three: not-
withstanding this city being situated at such distance from
the Northern sea, as they knew not well the avenues and entries
necessary to approach unto it, they judged it necessary to go
beforehand to the isle of St Catharine, there to find and pro-
vide themselves with some persons who might serve them for
guides in this enterprize ; for in the garrison of that island are
commonly employed many banditti and outlaws belonging to
Panama and the neighbouring places, who are very expert in
the knowledge of all that country. But, before they pro-
ceeded any farther, they caused an act to be published through
the whole fleet, containing that, in case they met with any
Spanish vessel, the first Captain who with his men should
enter and take the said ship should have for his reward the
tenth part of whatsoever should be found within her.
CHAPTER III
Captain Morgan leaves the island of Hispaniola, and goes to that
of St Catharine, which he takes
CAPTAIN MorGAN and his companions weighed anchor from
the Cape of Tiburon, the 16th day of December in the year 1670.
_ Four days after they arrived within sight of the isle of St
Per eam rs
Catharine, which was now in possession of the Spaniards again,
as was said in the Second Part of this history, and unto which
they commonl banish all the malefactors of the Spanish
dominions in the West Indies. In this island are found huge
quantities of pigeons at certain seasons of the year; it is
watered continually by four rivulets or brooks, whereof two
are always dry in the summer season. Here is no manner of
trade nor commerce exercised by the inhabitants, neither do
they give themselves the trouble to plant more fruits than
what are necessary for the sustentation of human life ; how-
beit the country would be sufficient to make very good plan-
tations of tobacco, which might render considerable profit,
were it cultivated for that use.
As soon as Captain Morgan came nigh unto the island with
his fleet, he sent before one of his best sailing vessels to view
the entry of the river and see if any other ships were there who
might hinder him from landing ; as also fearing lest they should
give intelligence of his arrival to the inhabitants of the island,
and they by this means prevent his designs.
The next day before sunrise, all the fleet came to anchor
nigh unto the island, in a certain bay called Aguada Grande :
upon this bay the Spaniards had lately built a battery, mounted
with four pieces of cannon. Captain Morgan landed with
1000 men, more or less, and disposed them into squadrons,
beginning his march through the woods, although they had no
other guides than some few of his own men who had been there
179
180: “GREAT HARDSHIPS ENDURED
before when Mansvelt took and ransacked the island. The
same day they came unto a certain place where the Governor
at other times did keep his ordinary residence: here they
found a battery called The Platform, but nobody in it, the
Spaniards having retired unto the lesser island, which, as was
said before, is so nigh: unto the great one that a short bridge
only may conjoin them.
This lesser island aforesaid was so well fortified with forts
and batteries round about it as might seem impregnable.
Hereupon, as soon as the Spaniards perceived the pirates to
approach, they began to fire upon them so furiously that they
could advance nothing that day, but were contented to retreat
a little, and take up their rest upon the grass in the open fields,
which afforded no strange beds to these people, as being suffi-
ciently used to such kind of repose: what most afflicted them
was hunger, having not eaten the least thing that whole day.
About midnight it began to rain so hard that those miserable
people had much ado to resist so much hardship, the greatest
part of them having no other clothes than a pair of seaman’s
trousers or breeches and a shirt, without either shoes or
stockings. Thus finding themselves in great extremity, they
began to pull down a few thatched houses to make fires
withal: ina word, they were in such condition that one hundred
men, indifferently well armed, might easily that night have
torn them allin pieces. The next morning about break of day
the rain ceased, at which time they began to dry their arms,
which were entirely wet, and proceed on their march. But
not long after, the rain recommenced anew, rather harder than
before, as if the skies were melted into waters, which caused
them to cease from advancing towards the forts, whence the
Spaniards did continually fire at the Pirates, seeing them to
approach.
The Pirates were now reduced unto great affliction and
danger of their lives through the hardness of the weather,
their own nakedness, and the great hunger they sustained.
For a small relief hereof, they happened to find in the fields an
old horse, which was both lean and full of scabs and blotches,
with galled back and sides. This horrid animal they instantly
killed and flayed, and divided into small pieces among them-
selves as far as it would reach, for many could not obtain one
morsel, which they roasted and devoured without either salt or
GOVERNOR BETRAYS THE ISLAND 181
bread, more like unto ravenous wolves than men. The rain as
yet ceased not to fall, and Captain Morgan perceived their minds
to relent, hearing many of them say they would return on
board the ships. Amongst these fatigues both of mind and
body, he thought it convenient to use some sudden and
almost unexpected remedy: unto this effect he commanded a
canoe to be rigged in all haste, and colours of truce to be hanged
out of it. This canoe he sent to the Spanish Governor of the
island with this message: That if within a few hours he
delivered not himself and all his men into his hands, he did by
that messenger swear unto him and all those that were in his
company, he would most certainly put them all to the sword,
without granting quarter to any.
After noon the canoe returned with this answer: That the
Governor desired two hours’ time to deliberate with his officers in
a full council about that affair ; which being past, he would give
his positive answer to the message. The time now being elapsed
the said Governor sent two canoes with white colours, and two
persons, to treat with Captain Morgan ; but before they landed,
they demanded of the Pirates two persons as hostages of their
security. These were readily granted by Captain Morgan,
who delivered unto them two of his Captains, for a mutual
pledge of the security required. With this the Spaniards
propounded unto Captain Morgan that their Governor in a
full assembly had resolved to deliver up the island, as not being
provided with sufficient forces to defend it against such an
armada or fleet. But withal he desired that Captain Morgan
would be pleased to use a certain stratagem of war, for the better
saving of his own credit and the reputation of his officers both
abroad and at home, which should be as follows: That
Captain Morgan would come with his troops by night, nigh unto
the bridge that joined the lesser island unto the great one, and there
attack the fort of St Jerome: that at the same time all the ships
of his fleet would draw nigh unto the castle of Santa Teresa, and
attack it by sea, landing in the meanwhile some more troops
near the battery called St Matthew : that these troops which were
newly landed should by this means intercept the Governor by the
way, as he endeavoured to pass unto St Jerome’s fort, and then
take him prisoner, using the formality, as if they forced him to
deliver the said castle ; and that he would lead the English into
it, under the fraud of being his own troops ; that on one side and
r32, {PIRSA DES FAKE. Si-CALEHARING
t’other there should be continual firing at one another, but without
bullets, or at least into the air, so that no side might receive any
harm by this device ; that thus having obtained two such consider-
able forts, the chiefest of the isle, he needed not take care for the
rest, which of necessity must fall by course into his hands.
These propositions, every one, were granted by Captain
Morgan, upon condition they should see them faithfully
observed, for otherwise they should be used with all rigour
imaginable: this they promised to do, and hereupon took
their leaves, and returned to give account of their negotiation
to the Governor. Presently after, Captain Morgan commanded
the whole fleet to enter the port, and his men to be in readiness
for to assault that night the castle of St Jerome. Thus the
false alarm or battle began with incessant firing of great guns
from both the castles against the ships, but without bullets, as
was said before. Then the Pirates landed, and assaulted by
night the lesser island, which they took, as also possession of
both the fortresses, forcing all the Spaniards, in appearance, to
fly unto the church. Before this assault Captain Morgan had
sent word to the Governor he should keep all his men together
in a body, otherwise, if the Pirates met any straggling
Spaniards in the streets, they should certainly shoot them.
The island being taken by this unusual stratagem, and all
things put in due order, the Pirates began to make a new war
against the poultry, cattle, and all sorts of victuals they could
find. This was their whole employ for some days, scarce
thinking of anything else than to kill those animals, roast,
and eat, and make good cheer, as much as they could possibly
attain unto. If wood was wanting, they presently fell upon
the houses, and, pulling them down, made fires with the timber
as had been done before in the field. The next day they num-
bered all the prisoners they had taken upon the whole island,
which were found to be in all 450 persons, between men,
women, and children, viz. 190 soldiers belonging to the garrison,
40 inhabitants who were married, 43 children, 34 slaves
belonging to the King, with 8 children, 8 banditti ; 39 negroes
belonging to private persons, with 27 female blacks and 34
children. The Pirates disarmed all the Spaniards, and sent
them out immediately unto the plantations to seek for pro-
visions, leaving the women in the church, there to exercise
their devotions.
FORTRESSES OF THE ISLAND 183
Soon after, they took a review of the whole island and all
the fortresses belonging thereunto, which they found to be
nine in all, as follows: the fort of St Jerome, nighest unto the
bridge, had 8 great guns, of twelve, six, and eight pound
carriage, together with 6 pipes of muskets, every pipe con-
taining 10 muskets. Here they found still 60 muskets, with
sufficient quantity of powder and all other sorts of ammunition.
The second fortress, called St Matthew, had 3 guns, of 8 pound
carriage each. The third and chiefest among all the rest,
named Santa Teresa, had 20 great guns, of 18, 12, 8, and 6
‘pound carriage, with 10 pipes of muskets, like those we said
before, and 90 muskets remaining, besides all other warlike
ammunition. This castle was built with stone and mortar,
with very thick walls on all sides, and a large ditch round
about it of 20-foot depth, the which although it was dry was
very hard to get over. Here was no entry but through one
door, which corresponded to the middle of the castle. Within
it was a mount or hill, almost inaccessible, with four pieces of
cannon at the top, whence they could shoot directly into the
port. On the sea side this castle was impregnable, by reason
of the rocks which surrounded it and the sea beating furiously
upon them. In like manner, on the side of the land, it was so
commodiously seated on a mountain that there was no access
to it but by a path of three or four foot broad. The fourth
fortress was named St Augustine, having 3 guns, of eight and
six pound carriage. The fifth, named La Plattaforma de la
Concepcion, had only 2 guns, of eight pound carriage. The
sixth, by name San Salvador, had likewise no more than 2
guns. The seventh, being called Plattaforma de los Artilleros,
had also 2 guns. The eight, called Santa Cruz, had 3 guns.
The ninth, which was called St Joseph’s Fort, had 6 guns, of
twelve and eight pound carriage, besides two pipes of muskets
and sufficient ammunition.
In the storehouse were found above thirty-thousand pound
of powder, with all other sorts of ammunition, which were
transported by the Pirates on board the ships. All the guns
were stopped and nailed, and the fortresses demolished,
excepting that of St Jerome, where the Pirates kept their guard
and residence. Captain Morgan inquired if any banditti were
there from Panama or Porto Bello ; and hereupon three were
brought before him,-who pretended to be very expert in all
m4 BANDITTI ENGAGED AS “GUIDES
the avenues of those parts. He asked them if they would be
his guides and show him the securest ways and passages unto
Panama ; which if they performed, he promised them equal
shares in all they should pillage and rob in that expedition,
and that afterwards he would set them at liberty by trans-
porting them unto Jamaica. These propositions pleased the
banditti very well, and they readily accepted his proffers,
promising to serve him very faithfully in all he should desire ;
especially one of these three, who was the greatest rogue, thief,
and assassin among them, and who had deserved for his
crimes rather to be broken alive upon the wheel than punished
with serving in a garrison. This wicked fellow had a great
ascendancy over the other two banditti, and could domineer
and command over them as he pleased, they not daring to
refuse obedience to his orders.
Hereupon Captain Morgan commanded four ships and one
boat to be equipped and provided with all things necessary, for
to go and take the castle of Chagre, seated upon the river of
that name. Neither would he go himself with his whole fleet,
fearing lest the Spaniards should be jealous of his farther
designs upon Panama. In these vessels he caused to embark —
400 men, who went to put in execution the orders of their chief
Commander Captain Morgan, while he himself remained be-
hind in the island of St Catharine, with the rest of the fleet,
expecting to hear the success of their arms.
CHAPTER IV
Captain Morgan takes the castle of Chagre with four hundred
men sent unto this purpose from the Isle of St Catharine
CAPTAIN MorGAN, sending these four ships and a boat to the
river of Chagre, chose for Vice-Admiral thereof a certain person
named Captain Brodely. This man had been a long time in
those quarters, and committed many robberies upon the
Spaniards when Mansvelt took the isle of St Catharine, as was
related in the Second Part of the history. He, being thereof
well acquainted with those coasts, was thought a fit person for
this exploit, his actions likewise having rendered him famous
among the Pirates and their enemies the Spaniards. Captain
Brodely being chosen Chief Commander of these forces, in
three days after he departed from the presence of Captain
Morgan arrived within sight of the said castle of Chagre,
which by the Spaniards is called St Lawrence. This castle
is built upon a high mountain, at the entry of the river, and
surrounded on all sides with strong palisades, or wooden
walls, being very well terre-pleined1, and filled with earth,
which renders them as secure as the best walls made of stone
or brick. The top of this mountain is in a manner divided into
two parts, between which lies a ditch of the depth of thirty-
foot. The castle itself has but one entry, and that by a draw-
bridge which passes over the ditch aforementioned. On the
land-side it had four bastions, that of the sea containing only
two more. That part thereof which looks towards the South
is totally inaccessible and impossible to be climbed, through
the infinite asperity of the mountain. The North side is
1 A French fortification term—the platform on top of a rampart :
cf. ‘‘ If it fall so out that you cannot make trauerses vppon the terre-
plaine, for that the enemy doth hinder it . , ,"’—Garrard, Art of Warre
[1591], p. 317.
185
186 THE. CASTLE OF CHAGRE
surrounded by the river, which hereabouts runs very broad.
At the foot of the said castle, or rather mountain, is seated a
strong fort, with eight great guns; which commands and
impedes the entry of the river. Not much lower are to be
seen two other batteries, whereof each has 6 pieces of cannon, to
defend likewise the mouth of the said river. At one side of
the castle are built two great storehouses, in which are de-
posited all sorts of warlike ammunition and merchandize,
which are brought thither from the inner parts of the
country. Nigh unto these houses is a high pair of stairs,
hewed out of the rock, which serves to mount unto the
top of the castle. On the West side of the said fortress lies
a small port, which is not above seven or eight fathom
deep, being very fit for small vessels, and of very good
anchorage. Besides this, there lies before the castle, at the
entry of the river, a great rock, scarce to be perceived above
water, unless at low tides.
No sooner had the Spaniards perceived the Pirates to come
but they began to fire incessantly at them with the biggest of
their guns. They came to an anchor in a small port, at the
distance of a league more or less from the castle. The next
morning very early they went on shore, and marched through
the woods, to attack the castle on that side. This march
continued until two of the clock of the afternoon before they
could reach the castle, by reason of the difficulties of the way,
andits mire and dirt. And, although their guides served them
exactly, notwithstanding they came so nigh the castle at first
that they lost many of their men with the shot from the guns,
they being in an open place where nothing could cover nor
defendthem. This much perplexed the Pirates in their minds,
they not knowing what to do, nor what course to take, for on
that side of necessity they must make the assault, and, being
uncovered from head to foot, they could not advance one
step without great danger. Besides that, the castle, both for
its situation and strength, did cause them much to fear the
success of that enterprize. But to give it over they dared
not, lest they should be reproached and scorned by their
companions.
At last, after many doubts and disputes among themselves,
they resolved to hazard the assault and their lives after a most
desperate manner. Thus they advanced towards the castle,
ASSAULT ON THE CASTLE 187
with their swords in one hand and fire-balls in the other. The
Spaniards defended themselves very briskly, ceasing not to
fire at them with their great guns and muskets continually,
crying withal: Come on, ye English dogs, enemies to God and
our King ; let your other companions that are behind come on
too ; ye shall not go to Panama this bout. After the Pirates had
‘made some trial to climb up the walls, they were forced to
retreat, which they accordingly did, resting themselves until
night. This being come, they returned to the assault, to try if
by the help of their fire-balls they could overcome and pull
down the pales before the wall. This they attempted to do,
and while they were about it there happened a very remark-
able accident, which gave them the opportunity of the victory.
One of the Pirates was wounded with an arrow in his back,
which pierced his body to the other side. This instantly he
pulled out with great valour at the side of his breast: then,
taking a little cotton that he had about him, he wound it about
the said arrow, and putting it into his musket, he shot it back
into the castle. But the cotton, being kindled by the powder,
occasioned two or three houses that were within the castle, as
being thatched with palm-leaves, to take fire, which the
Spaniards perceived not so soon as was necessary. For this
fire, meeting with a parcel of powder, blew it up, and thereby
caused great ruin, and no less consternation, to the Spaniards,
who were not able to occur unto? this accident, not having
seen the beginning thereof.
Thus the Pirates, perceiving the good effect of the arrow and
the beginning of the misfortune of the Spaniards, were infinitely
gladded thereat. And, while they were busied in extinguish-
ing the fire, which caused great confusion in the whole castle,
having not sufficient water wherewithal to do it, the Pirates
made use of this opportunity, setting fire likewise unto the
palisades. Thus the fire was seen at the same time in several
parts about the castle, which gave them huge advantage
against the Spaniards. For many breaches were made at
once by the fire among the pales, great heaps of earth falling
down into the ditch. Upon these the Pirates climbed up,
and got over into the castle, notwithstanding that some
Spaniards who were not busied about the fire cast down
upon them many flaming pots, full of combustible matter
+ Latin occurrere, to meet, prevent, counteract,
188 FIRING THE PALISADES
and odious smells, which occasioned the loss of many of the
English.
The Spaniards, notwithstanding the great resistance they
made, could not hinder the palisades from being entirely burnt
before midnight. Meanwhile the Pirates ceased not to persist
in their intention of taking the castle. Unto which effect,
although the fire was great, they would creep upon the ground
as nigh unto it as they could, and shoot amidst the flames
against the Spaniards they could perceive on the other side,
and thus cause many to fall dead from the walls. When day
was come, they observed all the movable earth that lay be-
twixt the pales to be fallen into the ditch in huge quantity.
So that now those within the castle did in a manner lie equally
exposed to them without, as had been on the contrary before.
Whereupon the Pirates continued shooting very furiously
against them, and killed great numbers of Spaniards. For
the Governor had given them orders not to retire from those
posts which corresponded to the heaps of earth fallen into
the ditch, and caused the artillery to be transported unto
the breeches.
Notwithstanding, the fire within the castle still continued,
and now the Pirates from abroad used what means they could
to hinder its progress, by shooting incessantly against it.
One party of the Pirates was employed only to this purpose,
and another commanded to watch all the motions of the
Spaniards, and take all opportunities against them. About
noon the English happened to gain a breach, which the Gover-
nor himself defended with twenty-five soldiers. Here was
performed a very courageous and warlike resistance by the
Spaniards, both with muskets, pikes, stones,and swords. Yet,
notwithstanding, through all these arms the Pirates forced and
fought their way, till at last they gained the castle. The
Spaniards who remained alive cast themselves down from the
castle into the sea, choosing rather to die precipitated by their
own selves (few or none surviving the fall) than to ask any
quarter for their lives. The Governor himself retreated unto
the corps du garde, before which were placed two pieces of
cannon. Here he intended still to defend himself; neither
would he demand any quarter. But at last he was killed with
a musket-shot, which pierced his skull into the brain.
The Governor being dead, and the corps du garde surrendered,
CAPTURE OF THE CASTLE 189
they found still remaining in it alive to the number of thirty
men, whereof scarce ten were not wounded. These informed
the Pirates that eight or nine of their soldiers had deserted
their colours, and were gone to Panama to carry news of their
arrival and invasion. These thirty men alone were remain-
ing of 314 wherewith the castle was garrisoned, among which
number not one officer was found alive. These were all made
prisoners, and compelled to tell whatsoever they knew of their
designs and enterprizes. Among other things they declared
that the Governor of Panama had notice sent him three weeks
ago from Cartagena, how that the English were equipping a
fleet at Hispaniola, with design to came to take the said city
of Panama. Moreover, that this their intention had been
known by a person who was run away from the Pirates, at the
river De la Hacha, where they provided their fleet with corn.
That, upon this news, the said Governor had sent 164 men to
strengthen the garrison of that castle, together with much
provision and warlike ammunition; the ordinary garrison
whereof did only consist of 150 men ; so that in all they made
the number aforementioned of 314 men, being all very well
armed. Besides this they declared that the Governor of
Panama had placed several ambuscades all along the river of
Chagre ; and that he waited for their coming in the open fields
of Panama, with 3600 men.
The taking of this castle of Chagre cost the Pirates exces-
sively dear in comparison to the small numbers they used to lose
at other times and places: yea, their toil and labour here did far
exceed what they sustained at the conquest of the isle of St
Catharine and its adjacent. For, coming to number their
men, they found they had lost above too, besides those that
were wounded, whose number exceeded 70. They commanded
the Spaniards that were prisoners to cast all the dead bodies
of their own men down from the top of the mountain to the
seaside, and afterwards to bury them. Such as were wounded
were carried unto the church belonging to the castle, of which
they made an hospital, and where also they shut up the women.
Thus it was likewise turned into a place of prostitution, the
Pirates ceasing not to defile the bodies of those afflicted
widows with all manner of insolent actions and threats.
Captain Morgan remained not long time behind.at the isle
of St Catharine, after taking the castle of Chagre ; of which he
190 ARRIVAL OF CAPTAIN MORGAN
had noticed presently sent him. Yet notwithstanding, before
he departed thence, he caused to be embarked all the pro-
visions [that] could be found, together with great quantities
of maize, or Indian wheat, and cassava, whereof in like manner
is made bread in those parts. He commanded likewise great
store of provisions should be transported unto the garrison
of the aforesaid castle of Chagre, from what parts soever they
could be gotten. Atacertain place of the island they cast into
the sea all guns belonging thereto, with a design to return and
leave that island well garrisoned, unto the perpetual posses-
sion of Pirates. Notwithstanding, he ordered all the houses
and forts to be set on fire, excepting only the castle of St Teresa,
which he judged to be the strongest and securest wherein to
fortify himself at his return from Panama. He carried with
him all the prisoners of the island, and thus set sail for the
river of Chagre, where he arrived in the space of eight days.
Here the joy of the whole fleet was so great, when they spied the
English colours upon the castle, that they minded not their
way into the river, which occasioned them to lose four of their
ships at the entry thereof, that wherein Captain Morgan went
being one of the four. Yet their fortune was so good as to be
able to save all the men and goods that were in the said
vessels—yea, the ships likewise had been preserved, if a strong
northerly wind had not risen on that occasion, which cast the
ships upon the rock above-mentioned that lies at the entry
of the said river.
Captain Morgan was brought into the castle with great
acclamations of triumph and joy of all the Pirates, both of
those who were within and also them that were but newly
come. Having understood the whole transactions of the
conquest, he commanded all the prisoners to begin to work
and repair what was necessary—especially in setting up new
palisades, or pales, round about the forts depending on the
castle. There were still in the river some Spanish vessels,
called by them chatten, which serve for the transportation of
merchandize up and down the said river, as also for to go to
Porto Bello and Nicaragua. These are commonly mounted
with 2 great guns of iron and 4 other small ones of brass. All
these vessels they seized on, together with 4 little ships they
found there, and all the canoes. In the castle they left a
garrison of 500 men, and in the ships within the river one-
MORGAN DEPARTS FOR PANAMA 191
hundred-and-fifty more. These things being done, Captain
Morgan departed towards Panama, at the head of twelve
hundred men. He carried very small provisions with him,
being in good hopes he should provide himself sufficiently
among the Spaniards, whom he knew to lie in ambuscade at
several places by the way.
CHAPTER V
Captain Morgan departs from the Castle of Chagre, at the head of
twelve hundred men, with design to take the city of Panama
CAPTAIN MorGAN set forth from the castle of Chagre, to-
wards Panama, the 18th day of August in the year 1670.
He had under his conduct 1200 men, 5 boats with artillery
and 32 canoes, all which were filled with the said people.
Thus he steered his course up the river towards Panama.
That day they sailed only six leagues, and came to a place
called De los Bracos. Here a party of his men went on shore,
only to sleep some few hours and stretch their limbs, they
being almost crippled with lying too much crowded in the
boats. After they had rested a while, they went abroad to see
if any victuals could be found in the neighbouring plantations.
But they could find none, the Spaniards being fled and carry-
ing with them all the provisions they had. This day, being the
first of their journey, there was amongst them such scarcity
of victuals that the greatest part were forced to pass with
only a pipe of tobacco, without any other refreshment.
The next day, very early in the morning, they continued
their journey, and came about evening to a place called Cruz
de Juan Gallego. Here they were compelled to leave their
boats and canoes, by reason the river was very dry for want of
rain and the many obstacles of trees that were fallen into it.
The guides told them that about two leagues farther on the
country would be very good to continue the journey by land.
Hereupon they left some companies, being in all 160 men, on
board the boats to defend them, with intent they might serve
for a place of refuge in case of necessity.
The next morning, being the third day of their journey,
they all went ashore, excepting those above-mentioned who
were to keep the boats. Unto these Captain Morgan gave
very strict orders, under great penalties, that no man, upon
192
PIRATES’ JOURNEY TO PANAMA 195
any pretext whatsoever should dare to leave the boats and go
ashore. This he did, fearing lest they should be surprised and
cut off by an ambuscade of Spaniards that might chance to
lie thereabouts in the neighbouring woods, which appeared so
thick as to seem almost impenetrable. Having this morning
begun their march, they found the ways so dirty and irksome
that Captain Morgan thought it more convenient to transport
some of the men in canoes (though it could not be done without
great labour) to a place farther up the river called Cedro
Bueno. Thus they re-embarked, and the canoes returned
for the rest that were left behind. So that about night they
found themselves altogether at the said place. The Pirates
were extremely desirous to meet any Spaniards or Indians,
hoping to fill their bellies with what provisions they should
take from them ; for now they were reduced almost to the
very extremity of hunger.
“On the fourth day, the greatest part of the Pirates marched
by land, being led by one of the guides. The rest went by
water, farther up with the canoes, being conducted by another
guide, who always went before them with two of the:said
canoes, to discover on both sides the river the ambuscades of
the Spaniards. These had also spies, who were very dexter-
ous, and could at any time give notice of all accidents or of
the arrival of the Pirates six hours at least before they came to
any place.. This day about noon they found themselves
nigh unto a post called Torna Cavallos. Here the guide of the
canoes began to cry aloud he perceived an ambuscade. His
voice caused infinite joy unto all the Pirates, as persuading
themselves they should find some provisions wherewith to
satiate their hunger, which was very great. Being come unto
the place, they found nobody in it, the Spaniards who were
there not long before being every one fled, and leaving nothing
behind unless it were a small number of leather bags, all empty,
and a few crumbs of bread scattered upon the ground where
they had eaten. Being angry at this misfortune, they pulled
down a few little huts which the Spaniards had made, and
afterwards fell to eating the leathern bags, as being desirous to
afford something to the ferment of their stomachs, which now
was grown so sharp that it did gnaw their very bowels, having
nothing else to prey upon. Thus they made a huge banquet
upon those bags of leather, which doubtless had been more
196 TRACES OF FURTHER AMBUSCADES
grateful unto them if divers quarrels had not risen concerning
who should have the greatest share. By the circumference
of the place, they conjectured 500 Spaniards, more or less,
had been there. And these, finding no victuals, they were now
infinitely desirous to meet, intending to devour some of them
rather than perish : whom they would certainly in that occasion
have roasted or boiled, to satisfy their famine, had they been
able to take them. /
After they had feasted themselves with those pieces of
leather, they quitted the place, and marched farther on till
they came about night to another post called Torna Munni.
Here they found another ambuscade, but as barren and desert
as the former. They searched the neighbouring woods, but
could not find the least thing to eat, the Spaniards having
been so provident as not to leave behind them anywhere the
least crumb of sustenance, whereby the Pirates were now
brought to the extremity aforementioned. Here again he was
happy that had reserved since noon any small piece of leather
whereof to make his supper, drinking after it a good draught of
water for his greatest comfort. Some persons who never were
out of their mothers’ kitchens may ask how these Pirates could
eat, swallow, and digest those pieces of leather, so hard and
dry: unto whom I only answer: That could they once
experiment what hunger, or rather famine, is, they would
certainly find the manner, by their own necessity, as the Pirates
did. For these first took the leather, and sliced it in pieces.
Then did they beat it between two stones, and rub it, often
dipping it in the water of the river to render it by these means
supple and tender. Lastly, they scraped off the hair, and
roasted or broiled it upon the fire. And, being thus cooked,
they cut it into small morsels, and eat it, helping it down with
frequent gulps of water, which by good fortune they had nigh
at hand.
They continued their march the fifth day, and about noon
came unto a place called Barbacoa. Here likewise they
found traces of another ambuscade, but the place totally as
unprovided as the two preceding were. At a small distance
were to be seen several plantations, which they searched very
narrowly, but could not find any person, animal, or other thing
that was capable of relieving their extreme and ravenous
hunger. Finally, having ranged up and down and searched a
SIXTH DAY OF THE MARCH _— 197
long time, they found a certain grotto which seemed to be but
lately hewn out of a rock, in the which they found two sacks
of meal, wheat, and like things, with two great jars of wine,
and certain fruits called plantanos'. Captain Morgan, know-
ing that some of his men were now through the extremity of
hunger reduced almost to the extremity of their lives, and
fearing lest the major part should be brought into the same
condition, caused all that was found to be distributed amongst
them who. were in greatest necessity. Having refreshed
themselves with these victuals, they began to march anew with
greater courage than ever. Such as could not well go for
weakness were put into the canoes, and those commanded to
land that were in them before. Thus they prosecuted their
journey till late at night, at which time they came unto a
plantation where they took up their rest; but without eating
anything at all, for the Spaniards, as before, had swept away all
manner of provisions, leaving not behind them the least signs
of victuals.
On the sixth day they continued their march, part of them
by land through the woods, and part by water in the canoes :
howbeit they were constrained to rest themselves very fre-
quently by the way, both for the ruggedness thereof and the
extreme weakness they were under. Unto this they endeav-
oured to occur?, by eating some leaves of trees and green herbs
or grass such as they could pick, for such was the miserable
condition they were in. This day, at noon, they arrived at a
plantation, where they found a barn full of maize. Immed-
iately they beat down the doors, and fell to eating of it dry, as
much as they could devour. Afterwards they distributed
great quantity, giving unto every man a good allowance there-
of. Being thus provided, they prosecuted their journey, which
having continued for the space of an hour or thereabouts, they
met with an ambuscade of Indians. This they no sooner had
discovered but they threw away their maize, with the sudden
hopes they conceived of finding all things in abundance. But,
after all this haste, they found themselves much deceived,
they meeting neither Indians, nor victuals, nor anything else
1 Spanish, plantain, used for the tree or the fruit: cf. ‘‘. . . siders,
limas, plantanos, and palmas ’’—Mendoza, History of China, transl. by
Parke [1589], vol. ii, p. 330 (Hakluyt Soc. 1853-4).
«gaia to ‘this they endeavoured to counter ’—see note on
p- 187.
tos SEVENTH DAY OF THE MARCH
of what they had imagined. They saw notwithstanding on
the other side of the river a troop of 100 Indians, more or less,
who all escaped away through the agility of their feet. Some
few Pirates there were who leapt into the river, the sooner to
reach the shore, to see if they could take any of the said
Indians prisoners. But all was in vain; for, being much more
nimble at their feet than the Pirates, they easily baffled their
endeavours. Neither did they only baffle them, but killed also
two or three of the Pirates with their arrows, howting?! at them
at a distance, and crying: Ha! perros, d la savana, a la
savana! Ha, ye dogs! go to the plain ; go to the plain !
This day they could advance no farther, by reason they were
necessitated to pass the river hereabouts to continue their
march on the other side. Hereupon they took up their repose
for that night: howbeit their sleep was not heavy nor pro-
found, for great murmurings were heard that night in the
camp, many complaining of Captain Morgan and his conduct
in that enterprize, and being desirous to return home. On the
contrary, others would rather die there than go back one step
from what they had undertaken. But others who had greater
courage than any of these two parties did laugh and joke at
all their discourses. In the meanwhile they had a guide who
much comforted them, saying: Jt would not be long before
they met with people from whom they should reap some consider-
able advantage.
The seventh day in the morning they all made clean their
arms, and every one discharged his pistol or musket, without
bullet, to examine the security of their firelocks. This being
done, they passed to the other side of the river in the canoes,
leaving the post where they had rested the night before,
called Santa Cruz. Thus they proceeded on their journey till
noon, at which time they arrived at a village called Cruz.
Being at a great distance as yet from the place, they perceived
much smoke to arise out of the chimneys. The sight hereof
afforded them great joy and hopes of finding people in the
town, and afterwards what they most desired, which was
plenty of good cheer. Thus they went on with as much haste
as they could, making several arguments to one another upon
1 hooting: cf. Nash, Pierce Penilesse [1592]: ‘‘ The people poynted
at her for a murtherer, yonge children howted at her as a strumpet.”
An onomatopeeic word,
THEY REACH A DESERTED VILLAGE 199
those external signs, though all like castles built in the air.
For (said they) there is smoke coming out of every house—
therefore they are making good fires, for to roast and boil what we
are to eat. With other things to this purpose.
At length they arrived there in great haste, all sweating and
panting, but found no person in the town, nor anything that
was eatable wherewith to refresh themselves, unless it were
good fires to warm themselves, which they wanted not. For
the Spaniards before their departure had every one set fire
to his own house, excepting only the storehouses and stables
belonging to the King.
They had not left behind them any beast whatsoever, either
alive or dead. This occasioned much confusion in their minds,
they not finding the least thing to lay hold on, unless it were
some few cats and dogs, which they immediately killed and
devoured with great appetite. At last in the King’s stables
they found by good fortune fifteen or sixteen jars of Peru wine,
and a leather sack full of bread. But no sooner had they
begun to drink of the said wine when they fell sick, almost
every man. This sudden disaster made them think that the
wine was poisoned, which caused a new consternation in the
whole camp, as judging themselves now to be irrecoverably
lost. But the true reason was their huge want of sustenance
in that whole voyage, and the manifold sorts of trash which
they had eaten upon that occasion. Their sickness was so
great that day as caused them to remain there till the next
morning, without being able to prosecute their journey, as
they used to do, in the afternoon. This village is seated in the
latitude of 9 degrees and 2 minutes North, being distant from
the river of Chagre 26 Spanish leagues, and 8 from Panama.
Moreover, this is the last place unto which boats or canoes
can come; for which reason they built here storehouses,
wherein to keep all sorts of merchandize, which hence to and
from Panama are transported upon the backs of mules.
Here, therefore, Captain Morgan was constrained to leave
his canoes and land all his men, though never so weak in their
bodies. But, lest the canoes should be surprized or take up
too many men for their defence, he resolved to send them all
back to the place where the boats were, excepting one, which
he caused to be hidden, to the intent it might serve to carry
intelligence according to the exigence of affairs. Many
200. BIGHTH DAY. OF THE MARCH
of the Spaniards and Indians belonging to this village were fled
unto the plantations thereabouts. Hereupon Captain Morgan
gave express orders that none should dare to go out of the
village except in whole companies of 100 together. The
occasion hereof was his fear lest the enemies should take an
advantage upon his men by any sudden assault. Notwith-
standing, one party of English soldiers stickled not to con-
travene these commands, being thereunto tempted with the
desire of finding victuals. But these were soon glad to fly
into the town again, being assaulted with great fury by some
Spaniards and Indians, who snatched up one of the Pirates,
and carried him away prisoner. Thus the vigilance and care
of Captain Morgan was not sufficient to prevent every accident
that might happen.
On the eighth day in the morning Captain Morgan sent
200 men before the body of his army, to discover the way to
Panama, and see if they had laid any ambuscades therein,
Especially considering that the places by which they were
to pass were very fit for that purpose, the paths being so
narrow that only ten or twelve persons could march in a file,
and oftentimes notsomany. Having marched about the space
of ten hours, they came unto a place called Quebrada Obscura.
Here, all on a sudden, three or four thousand arrows were shot at
them, without being able to perceive whence they came or who
shot them. The place whence it was presumed they were shot
was a high rocky mountain, excavated from one side to the
other, wherein was a grotto that went through it, only capable
of admitting one horse or other beast laded. This multitude
of arrows caused a huge alarm among the Pirates, especially
because they could not discover the place whence they were
discharged. At last, seeing no more arrows to appear, they
marched a little farther, and entered into a wood. Here they
perceived some Indians to fly as fast as they could possibly
before them, to take the advantage of another post, and thence
observe the march of the Pirates. There remained notwith-
standing one troop of Indians upon the place, with full design
to fight and defend themselves. This combat they performed
with huge courage, till such time as their Captain fell to the
ground wounded, who, although he was now in despair of life,
yet his valour being greater than his strength, would demand
no quarter, but, endeavouring to raise himself, with undaunted
ENCOUNTER WITH INDIANS 201
mind laid hold of his azagaya', or javelin, and struck at one of
the Pirates. But, before he could second the blow, he was
shot to death with a pistol. This was also the fate of many of
his companions, who like good and courageous soldiers lost
their lives with their Captain, for the defence of their country.
The Pirates endeavoured, as much as was possible, to lay
hold on some of the Indians and take them prisoners. But,
they being infinitely swifter than the Pirates, every one escaped,
leaving eight Pirates dead upon the place and ten wounded :
yea, had the Indians been more dexterous in military affairs,
they might have defended that passage and not let one sole
man to pass. Within a little while after they came to a large
campaign-field open and full of variegated meadows. Hence
they could perceive at a distance before them a parcel of Indians
who stood on the top of a mountain, very nigh unto the way
by which the Pirates were to pass. They sent a troop of fifty
men, the nimblest they could pick out, to see if they could
catch any of them and afterwards force them to declare where-
abouts their companions had their mansions. But all their
industry was in vain, for they escaped through their nimble-
ness, and presently after showed themselves in another place,
hallooing unto the English, and crying: A la savana, dé la
savana, cornudos, perros Ingleses !—that is, To the plain, to the
plain, ye cuckolds, ye English dogs !_ While these things passed,
the ten Pirates that were wounded a little before were dressed
and plastered up.
At this place there was a wood, and on each side thereof a
mountain. The Indians had possessed themselves of the one,
and the Pirates took possession of the other that was opposite
unto it. Captain Morgan was persuaded that in the wood the
Spaniards had placed an ambuscade, as lying so conveniently
for that purpose. Hereupon he sent before 200 men to search
it. The Spaniards and Indians perceiving the Pirates to
decend the mountain, did so too, as if they designed to attack
them. But, being got into the wood out of sight of the Pirates,
they disappeared, and were seen no more, leaving the passage
open to them.
1 The Spanish form of assegai, a dart or light spear used by the
Moors. The French form was also in use in England in the sixteenth
century: cf. ‘“ ... fought with speares, iauelyns, archegayes, and
swerdes ’’—Froissart, Chronicles, transl. by Berners [1523], i, 237,
Pp. 340 (1812 edn.),
202. NINTH DAY OF THE MARCH
About night there fell a great rain, which caused the Pirates
to march thé faster and seek everywhere for houses wherein
to preserve their arms from being wet. But the Indians had
set fire to every one thereabouts, and transported all their
cattle unto remote places, to the end that the Pirates, finding
neither houses nor victuals, might be constrained to return
homewards. Notwithstanding, after diligent search they
found a few little huts belonging to shepherds, but in them
nothing toeat. These not being capable of holding many men,
they placed in them out of every company a small number,
who kept the arms of all the rest of the army. Those who
remained in the open field endured much hardship that night,
the rain not ceasing to fall until the morning.
The next morning, about break of day, being the ninth of
this tedious journey, Captain Morgan continued his march
while the fresh air of the morning lasted. For the clouds then
hanging as yet over their heads were much more favourable
unto them than the scorching rays of the sun, by reason the
way was now more difficult and laborious than all the preceding.
After two hours’ march they discovered a troop of about 20
Spaniards, who observed the motions of the Pirates. They
endeavoured to catch some of them, but could lay hold on
none, they suddenly disappearing, and absconding themselves
in caves among the rocks totally unknown to the Pirates. At
last they came to a high mountain, which, when they had
ascended, they discovered from the top thereof the South Sea.
This happy sight, as if it were the end of their labours, caused
infinite joy among all the Pirates. Hence they could descry
also one ship and six boats, which were set forth from Panama
and sailed towards the islands of Tavogo and Tavogilla.
Having descended this mountain, they came unto a vale, in
which they found great quantity of cattle, whereof they killed
good store. Here, while some were employed in killing and
flaying of cows, horses, bulls, and chiefly asses, of which there
was greatest number, others busied themselves in kindling of
fires and getting wood wherewith to roast them. Thus cutting
the flesh of these animals into convenient pieces, or goblets},
they threwthem into the fire, and, half-carbonadoed? or roasted,
1 Morsels, something you can swallow. Later, ‘ gobbet,’ a ‘ chunck.’
A large block of stone is still called a ‘ gobbet’’ by stonemasons.
2 Span., a piece of meat sliced and broiled, a rasher: cf. ‘‘. . . if I
FIRST SIGHT OF PANAMA 203
they devoured them with incredible haste and appetite. For
such was their hunger that they more resembled cannibals
than Europeans at this banquet, the blood many times running
down from their beards unto the middle of their bodies.
Having satisfied their hunger with these delicious meats,
Captain Morgan ordered them to continue the march. Here
again he sent before the main body 50 men, with intent to take
some prisoners, if possibly they could. For he seemed now to be
much concerned that in nine days’ time he could not meet one
person who might inform him of the condition and forces of the
Spaniards. About evening they discovered a troop of 200
Spaniards, more or less, who hallooed unto the Pirates, but
these could not understand what they said. A little while
after they came the first time within sight of the highest
steeple of Panama. This steeple they no sooner had discovered
but they began to show signs of extreme joy, casting up their
hats into the air, leaping for mirth, and shouting, even just as
if they had already obtained the victory and entire accomplish-
ment of their designs. All their trumpets were sounded and
every drum beaten, in token of this universal acclamation and
huge alacrity of their minds. Thus they pitched their camp
for that night with general content of the whole army, waiting
with impatience for the morning, at which time they intended to
attack the city. This evening there appeared 50 horse, who
came out of the city, hearing the noise of the drums and trum-
pets of the Pirates, to observe, as it was thought, their motions.
They came almost within musket-shot of the army, being
preceded by a trumpet that sounded marvellously well. Those
on horseback halloed aloud to the Pirates, and threatened them,
saying: Perros! nos veremos !—that is, Ye dogs! we shall
meet ye! Having made this menace, they returned into the
city, excepting only seven or eight horsemen who remained
hovering thereabouts, to watch what motions the Pirates
made. Immediately after, the city began to fire, and ceased not
to play with their biggest guns all night long against the camp,
but with little or no harm unto the Pirates, whom they could
not conveniently reach. About this time also the 200 Span-
iards whom the pirates had seen in the afternoon appeared
again within sight, making resemblance as if they would block
come in his [way] willingly, let him make a carbonado of me ’’—
Shakespeare, I Henry IV, V, iii, 61.
204 STRENGTH OF THE SPANISH FORCES
up the passages, to the intent no Pirates might escape the
hands of their forces. But the Pirates, who were now in a
manner besieged, instead of conceiving any fear of their
blockades, as soon as they had placed sentries about their
camp, began every one to open their satchels, and, without any
preparation of napkins or plates, fell to eating very heartily
the remaining pieces of bulls’ and horses’ flesh which they had
reserved since noon. This being done, they laid themselves
down to sleep upon the grass with great repose and huge
satisfaction, expecting only with impatience the dawning of
the next day.
On the tenth day, betimes in the morning, they put all
their men into convenient order, and with drums and trumpets
sounding, continued their march directly towards the city.
But one of the guides desired Captain Morgan not to take the
common highway that led thither, fearing lest they should find
in it much resistance and many ambuscades. He presently
took his advice, and chose another way that went through the
wood, although very irksome and difficult. Thus the Span-
iards, perceiving the Pirates had taken another way, which
they scarce had thought on or believed, were compelled to
leave their stops and batteries, and come out to meet them.
The Governor of Panama put his forces in order, consisting
of 2 squadrons, 4 regiments of foot, and a huge number of
wild-bulls, which were driven by a great number of Indians,
with some negroes and others, to help them.
The Pirates, being now upon their march, came unto the
top of a little hill, whence they had a little prospect of the city
and campaign country underneath. Here they discovered
the forces of the people of Panama extended in battle
array, which, when they perceived to be so numerous,
they were suddenly surprised with great fear, much doubt-
ing the fortune of the day. Yea, few or none there were
but wished themselves at home, or at least free from the
obligation of that engagement, wherein they perceived their
lives must be so narrowly concerned. Having been some time
at a stand, in a wavering condition of mind, they at last
reflected upon the straits they had brought themselves into,
and that now they ought of necessity either to fight resolutely
or die, for no quarter could be expected from an enemy against
whom they had committed so many cruelties on all occasions.
MARCH ON PANAMA 205
Hereupon they encouraged one another, and resolved either to
conquer, or spend the very last drop of blood in their bodies.
Afterwards they divided themselves into three battalions, or
troops, sending before them one of 200 Buccaneers, which sort
of people are infinitely dexterous at shooting with guns. Thus
the Pirates left the hill and descended, marching directly
towards the Spaniards, who were posted in a spacious field
waiting for theircoming. Assoonas they drew nigh unto them
the Spaniards began to shout, and cry: Viva el Rey !—God
save the King !—and immediately their horse began to move
against the Pirates. But the field being full of quags and very
soft underfoot, they could not ply to and fro and wheel about,
as they desired. The 200 Buccaneers who went before, every
one putting one knee to the ground, gave them a full volley of
shot, wherewith the battle was instantly kindled very hot. The
Spaniards defended themselves very courageously, acting all
they could possibly perform to disorder the Pirates. Their
foot, in like manner, endeavoured to second the horse, but were
constrained by the Pirates to separate from them. Thus,
finding themselves frustrated of their designs, they attempted
to drive the bulls against them at their backs and by this
means put them into disorder. But the greatest part of that
wild cattle ran away, being frightened with the noise of the
battle. And some few that broke through the English com-
panies did no other harm than to tear the colours in pieces ;
whereas the Buccaneers, shooting them dead, left not one to
trouble them thereabouts.
The battle, having now continued for the space of two hours,
at the end thereof the greatest part of the Spanish horse was
ruined and almost all killed. The rest fled away. Which
being perceived by the foot, and that they could not possibly
prevail, they discharged the shot they had in their muskets,
and, throwing them on the ground, betook themselves to flight,
every one which way he could run. The Pirates could not
possibly follow them, as being too much harassed and wearied
with the long journey they had lately made. Many of them,
not being able to fly whither they desired, hid themselves for
that present among the shrubs of the sea-side. But very
unfortunately : for most of them being found out by the
Pirates were instantly killed without giving quarter to any.
Some religious men were brought prisoners before Captain
206 MARCH ON PANAMA
Morgan ; but he, being deaf to their cries and lamentations,
commanded them all to be immediately pistoled, which was
accordingly done. Soon after they brought a Captain to his
presence, whom he examined very strictly about several things,
particularly, wherein consisted the forces of those of Panama.
Unto which he answered: Their whole strength did consist
in 400 horse, 24 companies of foot, each being of 100 men com-
plete, 60 Indians, and some negroes, who were to drive 2000
wild-bulls and cause them to run over the English camp, and
thus by breaking their files put them into a total disorder and
confusion. He discovered more, that in the city they had
made trenches and raised batteries in several places, in all
which they had placed many guns, and that at the entry of the
highway which led to the city they had built a fort, which was
mounted with 8 great guns of brass, and defended by 50 men.
Captain Morgan, having heard this information, gave orders
instantly they should march another way. But, before setting
forth, he made a review of all his men, whereof he found both
killed and wounded a considerable number, and much greater
than had been believed. Of the Spaniards were found 600
dead upon the place, besides the wounded and prisoners.
The Pirates were nothing discouraged seeing their number so
much diminished, but rather filled with greater pride than
before, perceiving what huge advantage they had obtained
against their enemies. Thus having rested themselves some
while, they prepared to march courageously towards the city,
plighting their oaths to one another in general they would
fight till never a man was left alive. With this courage they
recommenced their march, either to conquer or be conquered,
carrying with them all the prisoners.
They found much difficulty in their approach unto the
city. For within the town the Spaniards had placed many
great guns, at several quarters thereof, some of which were
charged with small pieces of iron and others with musket-
bullets. With all these they saluted the Pirates, at their
drawing nigh unto the place, and gave them full and frequent
broadsides, firing at them incessantly. Whence it came to
pass that unavoidably they lost, at every step they advanced,
great numbers of men. But neither these manifest dangers
of their lives, nor the sight of so many of their own as dropped
down continually at their sides, could deter them from advan-
FALL OF PANAMA 207
cing farther, and gaining ground every moment upon the enemy.
Thus, although the Spaniards never ceased to fire and act the
best they could for their defence, yet notwithstanding they
were forced to deliver the city after the space of three hours’
combat. And the Pirates, having now possessed themselves
thereof, both killed and destroyed as many as attempted to
make the least opposition against them. The inhabitants
had caused the best of their goods to be transported unto more
remote and occult places. Howbeit they found within the
city as yet several warehouses, very well stocked with all sorts
of merchandize, as well silks and cloths as linen, and other
things of considerable value. As soon as the first fury of their
entrance into the city was over, Captain Morgan assembled
all his men at a certain place which he assigned, and there
commanded them under very great penalties that none of them
- should dare to drink or taste any wine. The reason he gave
for this injunction was because he had received private intelli-
gence that it had been all poisoned by the Spaniards. How-
beit it was the opinion of many [that] he gave these prudent
orders to prevent the debauchery of his people, which he foresaw
would be very great at the beginning, after so much hunger
sustained by the way: fearing withal lest the Spaniards,
seeing them in wine, should rally their forces and fall upon
the city, and use them as inhumanly as they had used the
inhabitants before.
CHAPTER Vi
Captain Morgan sends several canoes and boats unto the South Sea.
He sets fire to the city of Panama. Robberies and cruelties
committed there by the Pirates till their return to the Castle of
Chagre
CAPTAIN MorGAn, as soon as he had placed guards at several
quarters where he thought necessary, both within and without
the city of Panama, immediately commanded twenty-five
men to seize a great boat which had stuck in the mud of the
port for want of water at a low tide, so that she could not put
out tosea. The same day, about noon, he caused certain men
privately to set fire unto several great edifices of the city,
nobody knowing whence the fire proceeded nor who were the
authors thereof, much less what motives persuaded Captain
Morgan thereunto, which are as yet unknown to this day.
The fire increased so fast that before night the greatest part of
the city was in flame. Captain Morgan endeavoured to make
the public believe the Spaniards had been the cause thereof,
which suspicions he surmised among his own people, perceiving
they reflected upon him for that action. Many of the Spaniards,
as also some of the Pirates, used all means possible either to
extinguish the flame or, by blowing up houses with gunpowder
and pulling down others, to stop its progress. But all was in
vain ; for in less than half-an-hour it consumed a whole street.
All the houses of this city were built with cedar, being of very
curious and magnificent structure, and richly adorned within,
especially with hangings and paintings, whereof part was
already transported out of the Pirates’ way, and another great
part was consumed by the voracity of the fire.
There belonged unto this city (which is also the head of a
bishopric) eight monasteries, whereof seven were for men and
one for women, two stately churches, and one hospital.
208
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THE CITY OF PANAMA FIRED 211
The churches and monasteries were all richly adorned with
altar-pieces and paintings, huge quantity of gods and silver,
with other precious things; all which the ecclesiastics had
hidden and concealed. Besides which ornaments, here were
to be seen 2000 houses of magnificent and prodigious building,
as being all, or the greatest part, inhabited by merchants of that
country, who are vastly rich. For the rest’of the inhabitants
of lesser quality and tradesmen, this city contained 5000
houses more. Here were also great number of stables, which
served for the horses and mules that carry all the plate,
belonging as well to the King of Spain as to private men,
towards the coast of the North Sea. The neighbouring fields
belonging to this city are all cultivated with fertile plantations
and pleasant gardens, which afford delicious prospects unto
the inhabitants the whole year long.
The Genoese had in this city of Panama a stately and magnifi-
cent house, belonging to their trade and commerce of negroes.
This building likewise was commanded by Captain Morgan to
be set on fire; whereby it was burnt to the very ground.
Besides which pile of building there were consumed to the
number of 200 warehouses and great number of slaves who had
hid themselves therein, together with an infinite multitude of
sacks of meal. The fire of all which houses and buildings
was seen to continue four weeks after the day it began. The
Pirates in the meanwhile, at least the greatest part of them,
encamped some time without the city, fearing and expecting
that the Spaniards would come and fight them anew. For
it was known they had an incomparable number of men more
than the Pirates were. This occasioned them to keep the field,
thereby to preserve their forces united, which now were very
much diminished by the losses of the preceding battles, as also
because they had a great many wounded, all which they had
put into one of the churches which alone remained standing,
the rest being consumed by the fire. Moreover, beside these
decreases of their men, Captain Morgan had sent a convoy of
150 men to the Castle of Chagre, to carry the news of his
victory obtained against Panama.
They saw many times whole troops of Spaniards cruize to
and fro in the campaign-fields, which gave them occasion to
suspect their rallying anew. Yet they never had the courage
to attempt anything against the Pirates. In the afternoon of
oe is SEARCHING THE RUINS
this fatal day Captain Morgan re-entered again the city with
his troops, to the intent every one might take up his lodgings,
which now they could hardly find, very few houses having
escaped the desolation of the fire. Soon after, they fell to
seeking very carefully among the ruins and ashes for utensils
of plate or gold which peradventure were not quite wasted by
the flames. And of such things they found no small number
in several places, especially in wells and cisterns, where the
Spaniards had hid them from the covetous search of the
Pirates.
The next day Captain Morgan dispatched away two troops
of Pirates, of 150 men each, being all very stout soldiers and well
armed, with orders to seek for the inhabitants of Panama who
were escaped from the hands of their enemies. These men,
having made several excursions up and down the campaign-
fields, woods, and mountains adjoining to Panama, returned
after two days’ time, bringing with them above 200 prisoners,
between men, women, and slaves. The same day returned
also the boat above-mentioned, which Captain Morgan had
sent into the South Sea, bringing with her three other boats,
which they had taken in a little while. But all these prizes
they could willingly have given, yea, although they had em-
ployed greater labour into the bargain, for one certain galleon,
which miraculously escaped their industry, being very richly
laden with all the King’s plate and great quantity of riches of
gold, pearl, jewels, and other most precious goods, of all the
best and richest merchants of Panama. On board of this
galleon were also the religious women belonging to the nunnery
of the said city, who had embarked with them all the orna-
ments of their church, consisting in great quantity of gold,
plate, and other things of great value.
The strength of this galleon was nothing considerable, as
having only 7 guns, and Io or 12 muskets for its whole defence,
being on the other side very ill provided of victuals and other
necessaries, with great want of fresh water, and having no more
sails than the uppermost sails of the main mast. This de-
scription of the said ship the Pirates received from certain
persons, who had spoken with seven mariners belonging to
the galleon, at such time as they came ashore in the cock-boat
to take in fresh water. Hence they concluded for certain
they might easily have taken the said vessel, had they given
SEARCH FOR THE RICH GALLEON 213
her chase and pursued her, as they ought to do, especially
considering the said galleon could not long subsist abroad at sea.
But they were impeded from following this vastly rich prize
by the lascivious exercises wherein they were totally at that
present involved with women, which unto this effect they had
carried with them and forced on board their boat. Unto this
vice was also joined that of gluttony and drunkenness, having
plentifully debauched themselves with several sorts of rich
wines they found there ready to their hands. So that they
chose rather to satiate their lust and appetite with the things
above-mentioned than to lay hold on the occasion of such an
huge advantage, although this only prize would certainly have
been of far greater value and consequence unto them than all
they purchased at Panama and other places thereabouts.
The next day, repenting of their negligence and being totally
wearied of the vices and debaucheries aforesaid, they sent forth
to sea another boat well armed, to pursue with all speed
imaginable the said galleon. But their present care and
diligence was in vain, the Spaniards who were on board the
said ship having received intelligence of the danger they were
in one or two days before, while the Pirates were cruizing so
nigh unto them, whereupon they fled unto places more remote
and unknown to their enemies.
Notwithstanding, the Pirates found in the ports of the
islands of Tavoga and Tavogilla several boats that were laden
with many sorts of very good merchandize—all which they
took and brought unto Panama, where, being arrived, they
made an exact relation of all that had passed while they were
abroad unto Captain Morgan. The prisoners confirmed
what the Pirates had said, adding thereunto that they un-
doubtedly knew whereabouts the said galleon might be at the
present, but that it was very probable they had been relieved
before now from other places. These relations stirred up
Captain Morgan anew to send forth all the boats that were in
the port of Panama, with design to seek and pursue the said
galleon till they could find her. The boats aforesaid, being in
all four, set sail from Panama, and, having spent eight days
in cruizing to and fro and searching several ports and creeks,
they lost all their hopes of finding what they so earnestly
sought for. Hereupon they resolved to return unto the isles
of Tavoga and Tavogilla. Here they found a reasonable good
214 NEW EXCURSIONS OF THE PIRATES
ship that was newly come from Payta, being laden with cloth,
soap, sugar, and biscuit, with 20,000 pieces-of-eight in ready
money. This vessel they instantly seized, not finding the
least resistance from any person within her. Nigh unto the
said ship was also a boat, whereof in like manner they possessed
themselves. Upon the boat they laded great part of the
merchandize they had found in the ship, together with some
slaves they had taken in the said islands. With this purchase
they returned unto Panama, something better satisfied of
their voyage, yet withal much discontented they could not
meet with the galleon.
The convoy which Captain Morgan had sent unto the Castle
of Chagre returned much about the same time, bringing with
them very good news. For while Captain Morgan was upon
his journey to Panama, those he had left in the Castle of Chagre
had sent forth to sea two boats to exercize piracy. These
happened to meet with a Spanish ship, which they began to
chase within sight of the Castle. This being perceived by the
Pirates that were in the Castle, they put forth Spanish colours,
thereby to allure and deceive the ship that fled before the boats.
Thus the poor Spaniards, thinking to refuge themselves under
the Castle and the guns thereof, by flying into the port were
caught in a snare and made prisoners, where they thought to
find defence. The cargo which was found on board the said
vessel consisted in victuals and provisions, that were all eat-
able things. Nothing could be more opportune than this
prize for the Castle, where they had begun already to experi-
ment! great scarcity of things of this kind.
This good fortune of the garrison of Chagre gave occasion
unto Captain Morgan to remain longer time than he had
determined at Panama. And hereupon he ordered several
new excursions to be made into the whole country round
about the city. So that, while the Pirates at Panama were
employed in these expeditions, those at Chagre were busied
in exercizing piracy upon the North Sea. Captain Morgan
used to send forth daily parties of 200 men, to make inroads
into all the fields and country thereabouts ; and, when one
party came back, another consisting of 200 more was ready to
1 Experience. Cf. Day, English Secretary [1586],1: ‘‘Of his...
good behaviour [I] have had sound and large experiment ’’ ; Howell,
Letters [1645], 1i, 113: ‘‘ I know by experiments I have had of you...”
|
|
BRUTALITY TO PRISONERS are
go forth. By this means they gathered in a short time huge
quantity of riches and no lesser number of prisoners. These,
being brought into the city, were presently put unto the most
exquisite tortures imaginable, to make them confess both
other people’s goods and their own. Here it happened that
one poor and miserable wretch was found in the house of a
gentleman of great quality, who had put on, amidst that
confusion of things, a pair of taffety breeches belonging to his
master with a little silver key hanging at the strings thereof.
This being perceived by the Pirates, they immediately asked
him where was the cabinet of the said key. His answer was :
He knew not what was become of it, but only that, finding those
breeches in his master’s house, he had made bold to wear them.
Not being able to extort any other confession out of him,
they first put him upon the rack, wherewith they inhumanly
disjointed his arms. After this, they twisted a cord about his
forehead, which they wrung so hard that his eyes appeared as
big as eggs and were ready to fall out of his skull. But neither
with these torments could they obtain any positive answer to
their demands. Whereupon they soon after hung him up
by the testicles, giving him infinite blows and stripes while he
was under that intolerable pain and posture of body. After-
wards they cut off his nose and ears, and singed his face with
burning straw, till he could speak nor lament his misery no
longer. Then, losing all hopes of hearing any confession from
his mouth, they commanded a negro to run him through with
a lance, which put an end to his life and a period to their cruel
and inhuman tortures. After this execrable manner did many
others of those miserable prisoners finish their days, the
common sport and recreation of these Pirates being these and
other tragedies not inferior to these.
They spared, in these their cruelties, no sex nor condition
whatsoever. For, as to religious persons and priests, they
granted them less quarter than unto others, unless they could
produce a considerable sum of money, capable of being a
sufficient ransom. Women themselves were no better used,
except they would condescend unto the libidinous demands
and concupiscency of the Pirates. For such as would not
consent unto their lust were treated with all the rigour and
cruelty imaginable. Captain Morgan, their leader and
Commander, gave them no good example in this point. For,
216° HISTORY OF A SPANISH LADY.
as soon as any beautiful woman was brought as a prisoner to
his presence, he used all the means he could, both of rigour and
mildness, to bend her to his lascivious will and pleasure: for
a confirmation of which assertion, I shall here give my reader
a short history of a lady whose virtue and constancy ought to
be transmitted unto posterity, as a memorable example of her
Sex.
Among the prisoners that were brought by the Pirates from
the islands of Tavoga and Tavogilla, there was found a gentle-
woman of good quality, as also no less virtue and chastity,
who was wife unto one of the richest merchants of all those
countries. Her years were but few, and her beauty so great
as peradventure I may doubt whether in all Europe any could
be found to surpass her perfections either of comeliness or
honesty. Her husband, at that present, was absent from home,
being gone as far as the kingdom of Peru, about great concerns
of commerce and trade, wherein his employments did lie.
This virtuous lady, likewise, hearing that Pirates were coming
to assault the city of Panama, had absented herself thence in the
company of other friends and relations, thereby to preserve her
life amidst the dangers which the cruelties and tyrannies of
those hard-hearted enemies did seem to menace unto every
citizen. But no sooner had she appeared in the presence of
Captain Morgan instantly she was designed for his voluptuous
pleasures and concupiscence. Hereupon he commanded they
should lodge her in a certain apartment by herself, giving her
a negress, or black woman, to wait upon her, and that she
should be treated with all the respect and regale[ment] due unto
her quality. The poor afflicted lady did beg, with multitude
of sobs and tears, she might be suffered to lodge among the
other prisoners, her relations, fearing lest that unexpected
kindness of the Commander might prove to be a design upon
her chastity. But Captain Morgan would by no means hearken
to her petition, and all he commanded, in answer thereunto,
was she should be treated with more particular care than
before, and have her victuals carried from his own table.
This lady had formerly heard very strange reports concerning
the Pirates, before their arrival at Panama, intimating unto her,
as if they were not men, but, as they said, heretics, who did
neither invoke the Blessed Trinity nor believe in Jesus Christ.
But now she began to have better thoughts of them than ever
HISTORY OF A SPANISH LADY 217
before, having experimented the manifold civilities of Captain
Morgan, especially hearing him many times to swear by the
name of God and of Jesus Christ, in whom, she was persuaded,
they did not believe. Neither did she now think them to be
so bad, or to have the shapes of beasts, as from the relations
of several people she had oftentimes heard. For, as to the
name of ‘ robbers’ or ‘thieves’, which was commonly given
them by others, she wondered not much at it, seeing, as she said,
that among all nations of the universe there were to be found
some wicked men who naturally coveted to possess the goods of
others. Conformable to the persuasion of this lady was the
opinion of another woman, of weak understanding, at Panama,
who used to say, before the Pirates came thither, she desired
very much and had a great curiosity to see one of those men
called Pirates, for as much as her husband had often told her
that they were not men, like others, but rather irrational
beasts. This silly woman, at last. happening to see the first
of them, cried out aloud, saying: Jesus bless me ! these thieves
are like unto us Spaniards.
This false civility of Captain Morgan, wherewith he used this
lady, as a thing very common unto such persons as pretend and
cannot obtain, was soon after changed into barbarous cruelty.
For, three or four days being past, he came to see her, and
entertained her with dishonest and lascivious discourses,
opening unto her his ardent desires of enjoying the accomplish-
ment of his lust. The virtuous lady constantly repulsed him,
with all the civility imaginable and many humble and modest
expressions of her mind. But Captain Morgan still persisted
in his disorderly request presenting her withal with much pearl,
gold, and all that he had got that was precious and valuable in
that voyage. But the lady, being in no manner willing to
consent thereunto, nor accept his presents, and showing herself
in all respects like unto Susannah for constancy, he presently
changed note, and began to speak unto her in another tone,
threatening her with a thousand cruelties and hard usages at his
hands. Unto all these things she gave this resolute and
positive answer, than which no other could be extorted from
her; Sir, my life is in your hands; but, as to my body, in
relation to that which you would persuade me unto, my soul
shall sooner be separated from it, through the violence of your
arms, than I shall condescend to your request. No sooner had
218 MUTINY AMONG THE PIRATES
Captain Morgan understood this heroic resolution of her mind
than he commanded her to be stripped of the best of her
apparel, and imprisoned in a darksome and stinking cellar.
Here she had allowed her an extremely small quantity of meat
and drink, wherewith she had much ado to sustain her life for
a few days.
Under this hardship the constant and virtuous lady ceased
not to pray daily unto God Almighty for constancy and patience
against the cruelties of Captain Morgan. But he, being now
thoroughly convinced of her chaste resolutions, as also desirous
to conceal the cause of her confinement and hard usage, since
many of the Pirates, his companions, did compassionate her
condition, laid many false accusations to her charge, giving to
understand she held intelligence with the Spaniards, and
corresponded with them by letters, abusing thereby his former
lenity and kindness. I myself was an eye-witness unto these
things here related, and could never have judged such con-
stancy of mind and virtuous chastity to be found in the world,
if my own eyes and ears had not informed me thereof. But of
this incomparable lady I shall say something more hereafter
in its proper place ; whereupon I shall leave her at present, to
continue my history.
Captain Morgan, having now been at Panama the full space
of three weeks, commanded all things to be put in order for
his departure. Unto this effect, he gave orders to every com-
pany of his men to seek out for so many beasts of carriage as
might suffice to convey the whole spoil of the city to the river
where his canoes lay. About this time a great rumour was
spread in the city of a considerable number of Pirates who in-
tended to leave Captain Morgan ; and that, by taking a ship
which was in the port, they determined to go and rob upon the
South Sea till they had got as much as they thought fit, and
then return homewards by the way of the East Indies into
Europe. For which purpose they had already gathered great
quantity of provisions, which they had hidden in private places,
with sufficient store of powder, bullets, and all other sorts of
ammunition ; likewise some great guns belonging to the town,
muskets, and other things, wherewith they designed not only
to equip the said vessel but also to fortify themselves and raise
batteries in some island or other, which might serve them for a
place of refuge.
MORGAN DEPARTS FROM PANAMA 219
This design had certainly taken effect as they intended,
had not Captain Morgan had timely advice thereof
given him by one of their comrades. Hereupon he in-
stantly commanded the main-mast of the said ship should
be cut down and burnt, together with all the other
boats that were in the port. Hereby the intentions of
all or most of his companions were totally frustrated.
After this, Captain Morgan sent forth many of the Spaniards
into the adjoining fields and country, to seek for money
wherewith to ransom not only themselves but also all the rest
of the prisoners, as likewise the ecclesiastics, both secular and
regular. Moreover, he commanded all the artillery of the
town to be spoiled, that is to say, nailed and stopped up. At
the same time he sent out a strong company of men to seek for
the Governor of Panama, of whom intelligence was brought
that he had laid several ambuscades in the way by which he
ought to pass at his return. But those who were sent upon
this design returned soon after, saying they had not found any
sign or appearance of any such ambuscades; for a confirmation
whereof, they brought with them some prisoners they had
taken, who declared how that the said Governor had had an
intention of making some opposition by the way, but that the
men whom he had designed to effect it were unwilling to
undertake any such enterprize, so that, for want of means, he
could not put his design in execution.
On the 24th of February of the year 1671 Captain Morgan
departed from the city of Panama, or rather from the place
where the said city of Panama did stand ; of the spoils whereof
he carried with him 175 beasts of carriage, laden with silver,
gold, and other precious things, besides 600 prisoners, more or
less, between men, women, children, and slaves. That day
they came unto a river that passes through a delicious cam-
paign-field, at the distance of a league from Panama. Here
Captain Morgan put all his forces into good order of martial
array, in such manner as that the prisoners were in the middle
of the camp, surrounded on all sides with Pirates. At which
present conjuncture nothing else was to be heard but lamen-
tations, cries, shrieks, and doleful sighs, of so many women and
children, who were persuaded Captain Morgan designed to
transport them all and carry them into his own country for
slaves. Besides that, among all those miserable prisoners,
200 THE SPANISH LADY LIBERA FED
there was extreme hunger and thirst endured at that time ;
which hardship and misery Captain Morgan designedly caused
them to sustain, with intent to excite them more earnestly to
seek for moneys wherewith to ransom themselves, according
to the tax he had set upon every one.. Many of the women
begged of Captain Morgan upon their knees, with infinite sighs
and tears, he would permit to return unto Panama; there to
live in company of their dear husbands and children, in little
huts of straw which they would erect, seeing they had no houses
until the rebuilding of the city. But his answer was: he
came not thither to hear lamentations and cries, but rather to
seek moneys. Therefore they ought to seek out for that in
the first place, wherever it were to be had, and bring it to
him, otherwise he would assuredly transport them all unto
such places whither they cared not to go.
The next day, when the march began, those lamentable cries
and shrieks were renewed, in so much as it would have caused
compassion in the hardest heart to hear them. But Captain
Morgan, as a man little given to mercy, was not moved there-
with in the least. They marched in the same order as was said
before, one party of the Pirates preceding in the van, the
prisoners in the middle, and the rest of the Pirates in the rear-
guard, by whom the miserable Spaniards were, at every step,
punched and thrust in their backs and sides with the blunt
end of their arms, to make them march the faster. That
beautiful and virtuous lady, of whom we made mention here-
tofore, for her unparalleled constancy and chastity, was
led prisoner by herself, between two Pirates who guarded her.
Her lamentations now did pierce the skies, seeing herself
carried away into foreign captivity, often crying unto the
Pirates, and telling them: That she had given order unto two
religious persons, in whom she had relied, to go unto a certain
blace and fetch so much money as her ransom did amount unto.
That they had promised faithfully to do it, but, having obtained
the said money, instead of bringing it unto her they had employed
it another way, to ransom some of theiy own and particular
friends. This ill-action of theirs was discovered by a slave,
who brought a letter unto the said lady. Her complaints, and
the cause thereof, being brought unto the ears of Captain
Morgan, he thought fit to inquire thereinto. Having found
the thing to be true, especially hearing it confirmed by the
EVERYONE SEARCHED 221
confession of the said religious men, though under some
frivolous excuses, of having diverted the money but for a day
or two within which time they expected more sums to repay
it, he gave liberty unto the said lady, whom otherwise he
designed to transport unto Jamaica. But in the meanwhile
he detained the said religious men as prisoners in her place,
using them according to the deserts of their incompassionate
intrigues.
As soon as Captain Morgan arrived, upon his march, at the
town called Cruz, seated on the banks of the river Chagre as
was mentioned before, he commanded an order to be published
among the prisoners that within the space of three days every
one of them should bring in his ransom, under the penalty
aforementioned of being transported unto Jamaica. In the
meanwhile he gave orders for so much rice and maize to be
collected thereabouts as was necessary for the victualling all
his ships. At this place some of the prisoners were ransomed,
but many others could not bring in their moneys in so short
time. Hereupon he continued his voyage, leaving the village
on the 5th day of March next following, and carrying with him
all the spoil that ever he couldtransport. From this village he
likewise led away some new prisoners who were inhabitants
of the said place. So that these prisoners were added unto those
of Panama who had not as yet paid their ransoms, and all
transported. But the two religious men who had diverted the
money belonging to the lady were ransomed three days after
their imprisonment, by other persons who had more compassion
for their condition than they had showed for hers. About the
middle of the way unto the Castle of Chagre Captain Morgan
commanded them to be placed in due order, according to their
custom, and caused every one to be sworn that they had re-
served nor concealed nothing privately to themselves, even
not so much as the value of sixpence. This being done,
Captain Morgan having had some experience that those lewd
fellows would not much stickle to swear falsely in points of
interest, he commanded every one to be searched very stricily,
both in their clothes and satchels and everywhere it might be
presumed they had reserved anything. Yea, to the intent
this order might not be ill taken by his companions, he per-
mitted himself to be searched, even to the very soles of his
shoes. Unto this effect, by common consent, there was as-
222 DIVISION OF THE BOOTY
signed one out of every company to be the searchers of all the
rest. The French Pirates that went on this expedition with
Captain Morgan were not well satisfied with this new custom of
searching, Yet their number being less than that of the
English, they were forced to submit unto it, as well as the
others had done before them. The search being over, they re-
embarked in their canoes and boats, which attended them on
the river, and arrived at the Castle of Chagre on the gth day
of the said month of March. Here they found all things in
good order, excepting the wounded men whom they had left
there at the time of their departure. For of these the greatest
number were dead, through the wounds they had received.
From Chagre Captain Morgan sent presently after his arrival
a great boat to Porto Bello, wherein were all the prisoners he
had taken at the isle of St Catharine, demanding by them a
considerable ransom for the Castle of Chagre, where he then
was, threatening otherwise to ruin and demolish it even to the
ground. Unto this message those of Porto Bello made answer :
They would not give one farthing towards the ransom of the said
castle, and that the English might do with it as they pleased.
This answer being come, the dividend was made of all the
spoil they had purchased in that voyage. Thus every com-
pany and every particular person therein included received
their portion of what was gotten, or, rather, what part thereof
Captain Morgan was pleased to give them. For so it was, that
the rest of his companions, even of his own nation, complained
of his proceedings in this particular, and feared not to tell him
openly to his face that he had reserved the best jewels to him-
self. For they judged it impossible that no greater share should
belong to them than 200 pieces-of-eight per capita, of so many
valuable purchases and robberies as they had obtained—which
small sum they thought too little reward for so much labour and
such huge and manifest dangers as they had so often exposed
their lives unto. But Captain Morgan was deaf unto all these
and many other complaints of this kind, as having designed in
his mind to cheat them of as much as he could.
At last Captain Morgan, finding himself obnoxious to many
obloquies and detractions among his people, began to fear
the consequence thereof, and hereupon, thinking it unsafe to
remain any longer time at Chagre, he commanded the ordnance
of the said Castle to be carried on board his ship. Afterwards
MORGAN STEALS AWAY 223
he caused the greatest part of the walls to be demolished, and
the edifices to be burnt, and as many other things spoiled and
ruined as could conveniently be done in a short while. “ These
orders being performed, he went secretly on board his own
ship, without giving any notice of his departure unto his
companions, nor calling any council, as he used to do. Thus
he set sail and put out to sea, not bidding anybody adieu,
being only followed by three or four vessels of the whole fleet.
These were such (as the French Pirates believed) as went
shares with Captain Morgan towards the best and greatest
part of the spoil which had been concealed from them in the
dividend. The Frenchmen could very willingly have revenged
this affront upon Captain Morgan and those that followed
him, had they found themselves with sufficient means to
encounter him at sea. But they were destitute of most things
necessary thereunto—yea, they had much ado to find suffi-
cient victuals and provisions for their voyage to Jamaica,
he having left them totally unprovided of all things. -
CHAPTER VII
Of a voyage made by the author along the coasts of Costa Rica, at
his return towards Jamaica. What happened most remark-
able in the said voyage. Some observations made by him at
that time
CAPTAIN MorGaN left us all in such a miserable condition as
might serve for a lively representation of what reward attends
wickedness at the latter end of life—whence we ought to have
learned how to regulate and amend our actions for the future.
However it was, our affairs being reduced to such a posture,
every company that was left behind, whether English or
French, were compelled to seek what means they could to
help themselves. Thus most of them separated from each
other, and several companies took several courses at their
return homewards. As for that party to which I belonged,
we steered our voyage along the coast of Costa Rica, where
we intended to purchase some provisions and careen our
vessel in some secure place or other. For the boat wherein
we were was now grown so foul as to be rendered totally unfit
for sailing. In few days we arrived at a great port, called
Boca del Toro, where are always to be found an huge quantity
of good and eatable tortoises. The circumference hereof is
10 leagues, more or less, being surrounded with little islands,
under which vessels may ride very secure from the violence
of the winds.
The said islands are inhabited by Indians, who never
could be subjugated by the Spaniards, and hence they give
them the name of Jnd7os bravos, or Wild Indians. They are
divided, according to the variety of idioms of their language,
into several customs and fashions of people, whence arises
that they have perpetual wars against one another. Towards
the east side of this port are found some of them who formerly
224
—
INDIOS BRAVOS, OR WILD INDIANS 225
did much trade with the Pirates, selling unto them the flesh
of divers animals which they hunt in their countries, as also
all sorts of fruits that the land produces. The exchange of
which commodities was iron instruments that the Pirates
brought [with] them, beads, and other toys, whereof they
made great account for wearing, more than of precious jewels,
which they knew not nor esteemed in the least. This commerce
afterwards failed, because the Pirates committed many bar-
barous inhumanities against them, killing many of their men
on a certain occasion, and taking away their women to serve
their disordinate lust. These abuses gave sufficient cause for
a perpetual cessation of all friendship and commerce between
them and the Pirates.
We went ashore with design to seek provisions, our necessity
being now almost extreme. But our fortune was so bad that
we could find nothing else than a few eggs of crocodiles, where-
with we were forced to content ourselves for that present.
Hereupon we left those quarters, and steered our course east-
wards. Being upon this tack, we met with three boats more
of our own companions, who had been left behind by Captain
Morgan. These told us they had been able to find no relief
for the extreme hunger they sustained; moreover, that
Captain Morgan himself and all his people were already
reduced to such misery that he could afford them no more
allowance than once a day, and that very short too.
We, therefore, hearing from these boats that little or no
good was like to be done by sailing farther eastwards, changed
our course, and steered towards the west. Here we found
an excessive quantity of tortoises, more than we needed for
the victualling our boats, should we be never so long without
any other flesh or fish. Having provided ourselves with
this sort of victuals, the next thing we wanted was fresh water.
There was enough to be had in the neighbouring islands, but
we scarce dared to land on them, by reason of the enmity
above mentioned between us and the Pirates and those Indians.
Notwithstanding, necessity having no law, we were forced
to do as we could, rather than as we desired to do. And
hereupon we resolved to go all of us together unto one of
the said islands. Being landed, one party of our men went to
range in the woods, while another filled the barrels with water.
Scarce one whole hour was past, after our people were got
Q
226° “ASSAULTED: BY DHE INDIANS
ashore, when suddenly the Indians came upon us, and we
heard one of ourmencry: Avm! arm! We presently took up
our arms, and began to fire at them as hot as we could. This
caused them to advance no farther, and in a short while put
them to flight, sheltering themselves. in the woods. We
pursued them some part of the way, but not far, by reason
we then esteemed rather to get in our water than any other
advantages upon the enemy. Coming back, we found two
Indians dead upon the shore, whereof the habiliments of
one gave us to understand he was a person of quality amongst
them. For he had about his body a girdle, or sash, very richly
woven ; and on his face he wore a beard of massive gold—I
mean, a small planch! of gold hung down at his lips by two
strings (which penetrated two little holes, made there on
purpose) that covered his beard, or served instead thereof.
His arms were made of sticks of palmetto-trees, being very
curiously wrought, at one end whereof was a kind of hook,
which seemed to be hardened with fire. We could willingly
have had opportunity to speak with some of these Indians,
to see if we could reconcile their minds unto us, and by this
means renew the former trade with them, and obtain pro-
visions. But this was a thing impossible, through the wildness
of their persons and savageness of their minds. Notwith-
standing, this encounter hindered us not from filling our
barrels with water, and carrying them aboard.
The night following we heard from the shore huge cries
and shrieks among the Indians. These lamentations caused
us to believe, because they were heard so far, they had called
in much more people to aid them against us; as, also, that
they lamented the death of those two men who were killed
the day before. These Indians never come upon the waters
of the sea, neither have they ever given themselves to build
canoes or any other sort of vessels for navigation—not so
much as fisher-boats, of which art of fishery they are totally
ignorant. At last, having nothing else to hope for in these
parts, we resolved to depart thence for Jamaica, whither we
designed to go. Being set forth, we met with contrary winds,
which caused us to make use of our oars, and row as far as
the river of Chagre. When we came nigh unto it, we perceived
1 (plank), slab. Cf. transl. of The Conquest of West India [1578],
233: ‘‘.. . there sawe golde in planches like bricke battes.’’
a a ee
THE SEA-COW 227
a ship that made towards us, and began to give us chase.
Our apprehensions were that it was a ship from Cartagena,
which might be sent to rebuild and retake possession of the
Castle of Chagre, now all the Pirates were departed thence.
Hereupon we set all our sail and ran before the wind, to see
if we could escape or refuge ourselves in any place. But the
vessel, being much swifter and cleaner than ours, easily got
the wind of us, and stopped our course. Then approaching
nigh unto us, we discovered that they were, and knew them
to be our former comrades, in the same expedition of Panama,
who were but lately set out from Chagre. Their design was
to go unto Nombre de Dios, and thence to Cartagena, to seek
some purchase or other in or about that frequented port.
But, the wind at that present being contrary to their intention,
they concluded to go in our company towards the same place
where we were before, called Boca del Toro.
This accident and encounter retarded our journey, in the
space of two days, more than we could regain in a whole fort-
night. This was the occasion that obliged us to return to our
former station, where we remained for a few days. Thence
we directed our course for a place called Boca del Dragon,
there to make provisions of flesh, especially of a certain animal
which the Spaniards call manentines!, and the Dutch ‘ sea-
cows ’, because the head, nose, and teeth of this beast are very
like unto those of a cow. They are found commonly in such
places as under the depth of the waters are very full of grass,
on which, it is thought, they do pasture. These animals have
no ears, and only in place of them are to be seen two little
holes, scarce capable of receiving the little finger of a man.
Nigh unto the neck they have two wings, under which are
seated two udders or breasts, much like unto the breasts
of a woman. The skin is very close and united together,
resembling the skin of a Barbary (or Guinea) dog. This skin
upon the back is of the thickness of two fingers, which, being
dried, is as hard as any whalebone, and may serve to make
walking-staffs withal. The belly is in all things like unto that
of a cow, as far as the kidneys, or reins. Their manner of
1 Manatee, Span. manati, an aquatic mammal, at one time supposed
to have originated the legends of the mermaids. Cf. Eden, Decades,
section ii (1555): ‘‘. . . also manates, and murene, and manye other
fysshes which haue no names in oure language.”
228 THE SEA-COW
engendering, likewise, is the same with the usual manner of
a land-cow, the male of this kind being in similitude almost
one and the same thing with a bull. Yet, notwithstanding,
they conceive and breed but once. But the space of time
that they go with calf, I could not as yet learn. These fishes
have the sense of hearing extremely acute, in so much that
in taking them the fisherman ought not to make the least
noise, nor row, unless it be very slightly. For this reason
they make use of certain instruments for rowing which the
Indians call pagayos!, and the Spaniards name caneletas,
with which although they row, yet it is performed without
any noise that can fright the fish. While they are busied in
this fishery, they use not speak to one another, but all is
transacted by signs. He that darts them with the javelin
uses it after the same manner as when they kill tortoises.
Howbeit, the point of the said javelin is somewhat different,
as having two hooks at the extremity, and these longer than
that of the other fishery. Of these fishes some are found to
be of the length of twenty unto twenty-four foot. Their
flesh is very good to eat, being very like in colour unto that
of a land-cow, but in taste unto that of pork. It contains
much fat, or grease, which the Pirates use to melt and keep
in earthen pots, to make use thereof instead of oil.
On a certain day, wherein we were not able to do any good
at this sort of fishery, some of our men went into the woods
to hunt, and others to catch other fish. Soon after we espied
a canoe, wherein were two Indians. These no sooner had
discovered our vessels but they rowed back with all the speed
they could towards the land, being unwilling to trade or have
anything to do with us Pirates. We followed them to the shore,
but through their natural nimbleness, being much greater than
ours, they retired into the woods before we could overtake them.
Yea, what was more admirable, they drew on shore and car-
ried with them their canoe into the wood as easily as if it were
made of straw, although it weighed above 2000 pounds,
This we knew by the canoe itself, which we found afterwards
and had much ado to get it into the water again, although we
were in all eleven persons to pull at it.
1 Cf. ‘‘. . . for this reason they use certain instruments for rowing
by the Indians called pagayos, with which they row without any noise
to fright the fish.’’—Description of the Isthmus of Darien [1699], p. 9—
evidently derived from this book.
a
RIO DE ZUERA 229
We had at that time in our company a certain pilot who
had been divers times in those quarters. This man, seeing
this action of the Indians, told us that some few years before
a squadron of Pirates happened to arrive at that place. Being
there, they went in canoes to catch a certain sort of little
birds, which inhabits the sea-coast under the shade of very
beautiful trees, which here are to be seen. While they were
busied at that work, certain Indians who had climbed up
into the trees to view their actions, seeing now the canoes
underneath, leaped down into the sea, and with huge celerity
seized some of the canoes and Pirates that kept them, both
which they transported so nimbly into the remotest parts of
the woods as that the prisoners could not be relieved by their
companions. Hereupon the Admiral of the said squadron
landed presently after with 500 men, to seek and rescue the
men he had lost. But they saw such an excessive number of
Indians flock together to oppose them as obliged them to
retreat with all possible diligence unto their ships, concluding
among themselves that, if such forces as those could not
perform anything towards the recovery of their companions,
they ought to stay no longer time there. Having heard this
history, we came away thence, fearing some mischief might
befall us, and bringing with us the canoe aforementioned.
In this we found nothing else but a fishing-net, though not
very large, and four arrows made of palm-tree, of the length
of seven-foot each and of the figure, or shape, as follows.
aS
| ———e
YVV
These arrows we believed to be their arms. The canoe
we brought away was made of cedar, but very roughly hewn
and polished, which caused us to think that those people
have no instruments of iron.
We left that place, and arrived in twenty-four hours at
another called Rio de Zeura, where we found some few houses
belonging to the city of Cartagena. These houses are inhabited
by Spaniards, whom we resolved to visit, not being able to
find any tortoises nor yet any of their eggs. The inhabitants
were all fled from the said houses, having left no victuals
230 PORCUFPINES: PHEASANTS
nor provisions behind them, in so much that we were forced
to content ourselves with a certain fruit, which there is called
plantano. Of these plantanos we filled our boats, and continued
our voyage, coasting along the shore. Our design was to
find out some creek or bay wherein to careen our vessel, which
now was very leaky on all sides—yea, insuch a dangerous
condition that both night and day we were constrained to
employ several men at the pump, unto which purpose we
made use of all our slaves. This voyage lasted a whole fort-
night, all which time we lay under the continual frights of
perishing every moment. At last we arrived at a certain port
called the Bay of Bleevelt, being so named from a pirate who
used to resort thither with the same design that we did. Here
one party of our men went into the woods to hunt, while
another undertook to refit and careen our vessel.
Our companions who went abroad to hunt found here-
abouts porcupines of a huge and monstrous bigness. But their
chief exercise was killing of monkeys, and certain birds called
by the Spaniards faisanes, or pheasants. The toil and labour
we had in this employment of shooting did seem, at least
unto me, to be sufficiently compensated with the pleasure of
killing the said monkeys. For at these we usually made
fifteen to sixteen shots before we could kill three or four of
them, so nimbly would they escape our hands and aim, even
after being desperately wounded. On the other side, it was
delightful to see the female monkeys carry their little ones
upon their backs, even just as the negresses do their children.
When any person passes under the trees where these monkeys
are sitting, they will commonly open their bellies and squirt
their excrement upon their heads and clothes. Likewise,
if shooting at a parcel of them, any monkey happens to be
wounded, the rest of the company will flock about him, and
lay their hands upon the wound, to hinder the blood from
issuing forth. Others will gather moss that grows upon the
trees, and thrust it into the wound, and thereby stop the blood.
At other times they will gather such or such herbs, and, chew-
ing them in their mouth, apply them after the manner of a
poultice, or cataplasm. All which things did cause in me
great admiration, seeing such strange actions in those irra-
tional creatures, which testified the fidelity and love they had
for one another.
INDIANS SLAUGHTER TWO WOMEN 231
On the gth day after our arrival at that place, our women-
slaves being busied in their ordinary employments of washing
dishes, sewing, drawing water out of wells, which we had made
on the shore, and the like things, we heard great cries of one
of them, who said she had seen a troop of Indians appear
towards the woods, whereby she began immediately to cry
out: Indians! Indians! We, hearing this rumour, ran
presently to our arms, and their relief. But, coming unto the
wood, we found no person there excepting two of our women-
slaves killed upon the place, with the shot of arrows. In
their bodies we saw so many arrows sticking as might seem
they had been fixed there with particular care and leisure,
for otherwise we knew that one of them alone was sufficient
to bereave any human body of life. These arrows were all
D B
A. A marcasite!, which was tied unto the extremity of the arrow
B. A hook, tied to the same extremity
C. The arrow
D. The case, at the other end
of a rare fashion and shape, their length being eight feet,
and their thickness of a man’s thumb. At one of the extremi-
ties hereof was to be seen a hook made of wood and tied to
the body of the arrow with a string. At the other end was a
certain case, or box, like the case of a pair of tweezers, in the
which we found certain little pebbles, or stones. The colour
thereof was red, and very shining, as if they had been locked
up some considerable time. All which, we believed were arms
belonging to their captains and leaders.
These arrows were all made without instruments of iron.
For, whatsoever the Indians make, they harden it first very
artificially with fire, and afterwards polish it with flints.
As to the nature of these Indians, they are extremely
1 An obsolete name for certain crystalized forms of iron pyrites’
Cf. Hakluyt, Voyages [1600], vol. iii, p. 575: ‘‘ We found a mine of
marcazites, which glister like golde (but all is not gold that glistereth),’
Sometimes called the “ fire-stone ’’ (v. Cotgrave, Dictionary [1611)).
232 INDIAN ARROWS
robust of constitution, strong and nimble at their feet. We
sought them carefully up and down the woods, but could
not find the least trace of them, neither any of their canoes,
nor floats, whereof they make use to go out to fish. Hereupon
we retired unto our vessels, where, having embarked all our
goods, we put off from the shore, fearing lest finding us there
they should return in any considerable number, and over-
powering our forces tear us all in pieces.
CHAPTER VIII
The author departs towards the Cape of Gracias 4 Dios. Of the
commerce which here the Pirates exercise with the Indians.
His arrival at the island De los Pinos; and, finally, his
return unto Jamaica
THE fear we had, more than usual, of those Indians above-
mentioned, by reason of the death of our two women-slaves,
of which we told you in the former chapter, occasioned us
to depart as fast as we could from that place.. We directed
our course thence towards the Cape of Gracias 4 Dios, where
we had fixed our last hopes of finding provisions. For thither
do usually resort many Pirates, who entertain a friendly
correspondence and trade with the Indians of those parts.
Being arrived at the said cape, we hugely rejoiced, and gave
thanks unto God Almighty, for having delivered us out of
so many dangers and brought us unto this place of refuge,
where we found people who showed us most cordial friendship,
and provided us with all necessaries whatsoever.
The custom of this island is such that, when any Pirates
arrive there, every one has the liberty to buy for himself an
Indian woman, at the price of a knife or any old axe, wood-bill,
or hatchet. By this contract the woman is obliged to remain
in the custody of the Pirate all the time he stays there. She
serves him in the meanwhile, and brings him victuals of all
sorts that the country affords. The Pirate, moreover, has
liberty to go when he pleases, either to hunt, or fish, or about
any other divertisements of his pleasure ; but withal is not
to commit any hostility, or depredation upon the inhabitants,
seeing the Indians bring him in all that he stands in need of,
or that he desires.
Through the frequent converse and familiarity these Indians
have with the Pirates, they sometimes use to go to sea with
233
234 INDIANS OF GRACIAS A DIOS
them, and remain among them for whole years, without re-
turning home. Whence it comes that many of them can speak
English and French, and some of the Pirates their Indian
language. They are very dexterous at darting with the
javelin, whereby they are very useful to the Pirates towards
the victualling their ships, by the fishery of tortoises, and
manitas, a sort of fish so called by the Spaniards. For one of
these Indians is alone sufficient to victual a vessel of an
hundred persons. We had among our crew two Pirates who
could speak very well the Indian language. By the help of
these men I was so curious [as] to inquire into their customs,
lives, and policy, whereof I shall give you here a brief account.
This island contains about thirty leagues in circumference,
more or less. It is governed efter the form of a little common-
wealth, they having no king nor sovereign-prince among them.
Neither do they entertain any friendship or correspondence
with other neighbouring islands, much less with the Spaniards.
They are in all but a small nation, whose number does not
exceed sixteen or seventeen hundred persons. They have
among them some few negroes, who serve them in quality
of slaves. These happened to arrive there, swimming, after
shipwreck made upon that coast. For, being bound for Terra
Firma in a ship that carried them to be sold in those parts,
they killed the Captain and mariners, with design to return
unto their country. But, through their ignorance in marinery,
they stranded their vessel hereabouts. Although, as I said
before, they make but a small nation, yet they live divided,
as it were, into two several provinces. Of these, the one sort
employ themselves in cultivating the ground and making
several plantations ; but the others are so lazy that they have
not courage to build themselves huts, much less houses, to
dwell in. They frequent chiefly the sea-coast, wandering
disorderly up and down, without knowing or caring so much
as to cover their bodies from the rains, which are very frequent
in those parts, unless it be with a few palm-leaves. These
they put upon their heads, and keep their backs always turned
to the wind that blows. They use no other clothes than an
apron, which being tied to their middle, cometh down so far
as to hide the shameful parts of their bodies. Such aprons
are made of the rinds of trees, which they strongly beat upon
stones till they are softened. Of these same they make use
INDIANS OF GRACIAS A DIOS 235
for bed-clothes, to cover themselves when they sleep. Some
make to themselves bed-clothes of cotton, but these are but
few in number. Their usual arms are nothing but azagayas,
or spears, which they make fit for their use with points of
iron or teeth of crocodiles.
They know, after some manner, that there is a God, yet they
live without any religion or divine worship. Yea, as far as
I can learn, they believe not in nor serve the devil, as many
other nations of America do both believe, invoke, and worship
him. Hereby they are not so much tormented by him as other
nations are. Their ordinary food, for the greatest part, con-
sists in several fruits, such as are called bananas, racoven,
ananas, potatoes, cassava; as also crabs, and some few fish
of other sorts, which they kill in the sea with darts. As to
their drink, they are something expert in making certain
pleasant and delicate liquors. The commonest among them
is called achioc. This is made of a certain seed of palm-tree,
which they bruise and afterwards steep or infuse in hot water,
till it be settled at the bottom. This liquor, being strained off,
has a very pleasant taste, and is very nourishing. Many other
sorts of liquors they prepare, which I shall omit for brevity.
Only I shall say something, in short, of that which is made
of planianos. These they knead betwixt their hands with
hot water, and afterwards put into great calabashes, which
they fill up with cold water, and leave in repose for the space
of eight days, during which time it ferments as well as the
best sort of wine. This liquor they drink for pleasure, and as
a great regale[ment], in so much that, when these Indians
invite their friends or relations, they cannot treat them
better than to give them some of this pleasant drink.
They are very unskilful in dressing of victuals ; and hence
it is that they very seldom treat one another with banquets.
For this purpose, when they go or send to any house to invite
others, they desire them to come and drink of their liquors.
Before the invited persons come to their house, those that
expect them comb their hair very well, and anoint their faces
with oil of palm mingled with a certain black tincture, which
renders them very hideous. The women, in like manner,
daub their faces with another sort of stuff, which causes them
to look as red as crimson. And such are the greatest civilities
they use in their ornaments and attire. Afterwards, he that
236 INDIAN SOCIAL CUSTOMS
invites the other takes his arms, which are three or four
azagayas, and goes out of his cottage the space of three or
four hundred steps, to wait for and receive the persons that
are to come to visit him. As soon as they draw nigh unto him,
he falls down upon the ground, lying flat on his face, in which
posture he remains without any motion, as if he were dead.
Being thus prostrate before them, the invited friends take
him up and set him on his feet, and thus they go altogether
unto the hut. Here the persons who are invited use the
same ceremony, falling down on the ground, as the inviter
did before. But he lifts them up one by one, and, giving them
his hand, conducts them into his cottage, where he causes
them to sit. The women on these occasions perform few or
no ceremonies.
Being thus brought into the house, they are presented
every one with a calabash full of the liquor above-mentioned,
made of flantanos, which is very thick, almost like unto water-
gruel, or children’s pap, wherein is contained four quarts,
more or less, of the said liquor. These they are to drink off
as well as they can, and get down at any rate. The calabashes
being emptied into their stomachs, the master of the house,
with many ceremonies, goes about the room, and gathers
his calabashes. And this drinking hitherto is reckoned but for
one welcome, whereas every invitation ought to contain several
welcomes. Afterwards, they begin to drink of the clear liquor
above-mentioned, for which they were called to this treat.
Hereunto follow many songs and dances and a thousand
caresses to the women that are present: in so much that
oftentimes, for a testimony of their great love unto them, they
take their darts and with the points thereof pierce and wound
their genital parts. This relation I confess I could not believe,
though oftentimes it had been certified unto me, until such time
as my own eyes were witnesses unto these and the like actions.
Neither only on this occasion do they perform this ceremony
of piercing their genitals, but also when they make love unto
any woman, intending thereby to let them understand the
greatness of their affection and constancy.
They use not to marry any young maid without the consent
of her parents. Hereupon, if any one desires to take a wife,
he is first examined by the damsel’s father concerning several
points relating to good husbandry. These are most commonly :
MARRIAGE AND BIRTH CUSTOMS 237 ©
whether he can make azagayas, darts for fishing, or spin a
certain thread which they use about their arrows. Having
answered to satisfaction, the examiner calls to his daughter,
for a little calabash full of the liquor above-mentioned. Of
this he drinks first ; then gives the cup unto the young man ;
and he finally unto the bride, who drinks it up ; and with this
only ceremony the marriage is made. When any one drinks
to the health of another, the second person ought to drink up
the liquor which the other person has left in the calabash.
But, in case of marriage, as was said before, it is consumed
alone among those three, the bride obtaining the greatest
part to her share.
When the woman lies in, neither she nor her husband
observe the time, as is customary among the Caribbees. But,
as soon as the woman is delivered, she goes instantly unto
the next river, brook, or fountain, and washes the new-born
creature, swaddling it up afterwards in certain rollers, or
swaddling bands, which there are called cabalas. This being
done, she goes about her ordinary labour, as before. At
their entertainments it is usual that, when the man dies, his
wife buries him with all his azagayas, aprons, and jewels
that he used to wear at his ears. Her next obligation is to
come every day to her husband’s grave, bringing him meat
and drink for a whole year together. Their years they reckon
by the moons, allowing fifteen to every year, which make their
entire circle, as our twelve months make ours.
Some historians writing of the Caribbee Islands do affirm
that this ceremony of carrying victuals to the dead is generally
observed among them. Moreover, that the devil comes unto
the sepulchres, and carries away all the meat and drink which
is placed there. But I myself am not of this opinion, seeing
I have oftentimes with my own hands taken away these
offerings, and eaten them instead of other victuals. Unto this
I was moved, because I knew that the fruits used on these
occasions were the choicest and ripest of all others, as also
the liquors of the best sort they made use of for their greatest
regale[ment] and pleasure. When the widow has thus com-
pleted her year, she opens the grave, and takes out all her
husband’s bones. These she scrapes and washes very well, and
afterwards dries against the beams of the sun. When they are
sufficiently dried, she ties them all together, and puts them
238 FISHING AND HUNTING
into a cabala, being a certain pouch or satchel, and is obliged
for another year to carry them upon her back in the daytime,
and to sleep upon them in the night, until the year be com-
pletely expired. This ceremony being finished, she hangs up
the bag and bones against the post of her own door, in case
she be mistress of any house. But, having no house of her own,
she hangs them at the door of her next neighbour or relation.
The widows cannot marry a second time, according to the
laws or customs of this nation, until the whole space of the two
years above-mentioned be completed. The men are bound
to perform no such ceremonies towards their wives. But,
if any Pirate marries an Indian Woman, she is bound to do
with him in all things as if he were an Indian man born. Then
negroes that are upon this island live here in all respects
according to the customs of their own country. All these
things I have thought fit to take notice of in this place, though
briefly, as judging them worthy the curiosity of some judicious
and inquisitive persons. Now I shall continue the account
of our voyage.
After that we had refreshed and provided ourselves, as
well as we could, at the island aforesaid, we departed thence,
and steered our course towards the island De los Pinos.
Here we arrived in fifteen days, and were constrained to refit
again our vessel, which now the second time was very leaky
and not fit for sailing any farther. Hereupon we divided our-
selves, as before, and some went about that work of careening
the ship, while others betook themselves to fishing. In this
last we were so successful as to take in six or seven hours as
much fish as would abundantly suffice to feed a thousand per-
sons. We had in our company some Indians from the cape of
Gracias 4 Dios, who were very dexterous both in hunting and
fishing. With the help of these men we killed likewise in a
short while and salted a huge number of wild-cows, sufficient
both to satiate our hungry appetites and to victual our vessel
for the sea. These cows were formerly brought into this .
island by the Spaniards, with design they should here mul-
tiply and stock the country with cattle of this kind. We
salted in like manner a vast number of tortoises, whereof in this
island huge quantities are to be found. With these things
our former cares and troubles began to dissipate, and our minds
to be so far recreated as to forget the miseries we had lately
FIGHT WITH A CROCODILE 239
endured. Hereupon we began to call one another again by the
_ name of brothers, which was customary amongst us, but had
been disused in our miseries and scarce remembered without
regret.
All the time we continued here, we feasted ourselves very
plentifully, without the least fear of enemies. For as to the
Spaniards that were upon the island, they were here in mutual
league and friendship with us. Thus we were only constrained
to keep watch and ward every night, for fear of the crocodiles,
which are here in great plenty all over the island. For these,
when they are hungry, will assault any man whatsoever and
devour him, as it happened in this conjuncture to one of our
companions. This man being gone into the wood in company
with a negro, they fell into a place where a crocodile lay con-
cealed. The furious animal with incredible agility assaulted the
Pirate, and, fastening upon his leg, cast him upon the ground,
the negro being fled who should assist him. Yet he, notwith-
standing, being a robust and courageous man, drew forth |
a knife he had then about him, and with the same, after a
dangerous combat, overcame and killed the crocodile. Which
having done, he himself, both tired with the battle and weakened
with the loss of blood that ran from his wounds, lay for
dead upon the place, or at least beside his senses. Being found
in this posture some while after by the negro, who returned
to see what was become of his master, he took him upon. his
back and brought him to the sea-side, distant thence the space
of a whole league. -Here we received him into a canoe, and
conveyed him on board our ship.
After this misfortune none of our men dared be so bold
as to enter the woods without good company. Yea, we our-
selves, desirous to revenge the disaster of our companion,
went in troops the next day to the woods, with design to find
out crocodiles to kill. These animals would usually come every
night to the sides of our ship and make resemblance of climbing
up into the vessel. One of these, on a certain night, we seized
with an iron hook, but he, instead of flying to the bottom,
began to mount the ladder of the ship, till we killed him with
other instruments. Thus, after we had remained there some
considerable time and refitted ourselves with all things neces-
sary, we set sail thence for Jamaica. Here we arrived within
few days, after a prosperous voyage, and found Captain
240 RECALL OF GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA
Morgan, who was got home before us, but had seen as yet
none of his companions whom he left behind, we being the
first that arrived there after him.
The said Captain at that present was very busy, endeavour-
ing to persuade and levy people to transport unto the isle of
St Catharine, which he designed to fortify and hold as his own,
thinking to make it a common refuge unto all sorts of Pirates,
or at least of his own nation, as was said before. But he was
soon hindered in the prosecution of this design by the arrival
of a man-of-war from England. For this vessel brought orders
from his Majesty of Great Britain, to recall the Governor of
Jamaica from his charge over that island, unto the Court of
England, there to give an account of his proceedings and
behaviour in relation to the Pirates whom he had maintained
in those parts, to the huge detriment of the subjects of the
King of Spain. Unto this purpose the said man-of-war brought
over also a new Governor of Jamaica, to supply the place of
_ the preceding. This gentleman, being possessed of the govern-
ment of the island, presently after gave notice unto all the ports
thereof, by several boats which he sent forth to that intent,
of the good and entire correspondence which his master the
King of England designed henceforwards to maintain in those
Western parts of the world towards his Catholic Majesty
and all his subjects and dominions. And that unto this effect,
for the time to come, he had received from his Sacred Majesty
and Privy Council strict and severe orders not to permit any
Pirate whatsoever to set forth from Jamaica, to commit
any hostility or depredation upon the Spanish nation or
dominions, or any other people of those neighbouring islands.
No sooner these orders were sufficiently divulged but the
Pirates, who as yet were abroad at sea, began to fear them,
insomuch that they dared not return home unto the said
island. Hereupon they kept the seas as long as they could,
and continued to act as many hostilities as came in their way.
Not long after, the same Pirates took and ransacked a con-
siderable town, seated in the isle of Cuba, called La Villa de
los Cayos, of which we made mention in the description of
the said island. Here they committed again all sorts of hos-
tility and inhuman and barbarous cruelties. But the new
Governor of Jamaica behaved himself so constant to his duty,
and the orders he had brought from England, that he appre-
a ae
SOME ENGLISH PIRATES HANGED 241
hended several of the chief actors herein, and condemned
them to be hanged, which was accordingly done. From this
severity many others still remaining abroad took warning,
and retired to the isle of Tortuga, lest they should fall into
his hands. Here they joined in society with the French
Pirates, inhabitants of the said island, in whose company they
continue to this day.
CHAPTER IX
The relation of the shipwreck which Monsieur Bertram Ogeron,
Governor of the isle of Tortuga, suffered near the Isles of
Guadanillas. How both he and his companions fell into the
hands of the Spaniards. By what arts he escaped their hands,
and preserved his life. The enterprise which he undertook
against Porto Rico to deliver his people. The unfortunate
success of that design
AFTER the expedition of Panama above-mentioned, the
inhabitants of the French islands in America, in the year
1673 (while the war was so fierce in Europe between France
and Holland), gathered a considerable fleet, for to go and possess
themselves of the islands belonging to the States-General
of the United Provinces in the West Indies. Unto this effect
their admiral called together and levied all the Pirates and
volunteers that would, by any inductions whatsoever, sit
down under his colours. With the same design the Governor
of Tortuga caused to be built in that island a good
strong man-of-war, unto which vessel he gave the name of
Ogeron. This ship he provided very well with all sorts of
ammunition, and manned with five-hundred buccaneers,
all resolute and courageous men, as being the vessel he de
signed for his own safety. Their first intention was to go and
take the isle of Curacao, belonging to the said States of
Holland. But this design met with very ill success, by reason
of a shipwreck, which impeded the course of their voyage.
Monsieur Ogeron set sail from the port of Tortuga as soon
as all things were in readiness, with intent to join the rest
of the said fleet and pursue the enterprize aforementioned.
Being arrived on the West side of the Island of St John de
Puerto Rico, he was suddenly surprized with a violent storm.
This increased to that a degree as caused his new frigate to
242
| | BERTRAM OGERON WRECKED 243
strike against the rocks that neighbour upon the islands,
called Guadanillas, where the vessel broke into a thousand
pieces. Yet, being nigh unto the land of Porto Rico, all his
men escaped, by saving their lives in boats, which they had at
hand.
The next day, all being now got on shore, they were dis-
covered by the Spaniards who inhabit the island. These
instantly took them to be French Pirates, whose intent was
to take the said island anew, as they had done several times
before. Hereupon they alarmed the whole country, and,
gathering their forces together, marched out to their encounter.
But they found them ‘unprovided of all manner of arms, and
consequently not able to make any defence, craving for mercy
at their hands, and begging quarter for their lives, as the cus-
tom is. Yet notwithstanding, the Spaniards, remembering
the horrible and cruel actions those Pirates had many times
committed against them, would have no compassion on their
condition. But, answering them: Ha! ye thievish dogs,
here’s no quarter for you! they assaulted them with all fury
imaginable, and killed the greatest part of the company.
At last, perceiving they made no resistance nor had any arms
to defend themselves, they began to relent in their cruelty,
and stay their blows, taking prisoners as many as remained
alive. Yet still they would not be persuaded but that those
unfortunate people were come thither with design to take
again and ruin the island.
Hereupon they bound them with cords, by two and two or
three and three together, and drove them through the woods
into the campaign, or open fields. Being come thus far with
them, they asked them: What was become of their captain
and leader? Unto these questions they constantly made
answer: He was drowned in the shipwreck at sea; although
they knew full well it was false. For Monsieur Ogeron, being
unknown unto the Spaniards, behaved himself among them
as if he were a fool and had no common use of reason. Not-
withstanding, the Spaniards, scarce believing what the
prisoners had answered, used all the means they could possibly
to find him, but could not compass their desires. For Mon-
sieur Ogeron kept himself very close to all the features and
mimical actions that might become any innocent fool. Upon
this account he was not tied as the rest of his companions,
244 OGERON AND SURGEON ESCAPE
but let loose, to serve the divertisement and laughter of the
common soldiers. These now and then would give him scraps
of bread and other victuals, whereas the rest of the prisoners
had never sufficient wherewith to satisfy their hungry
stomachs. For, as to the allowance they had from the
Spaniards, their enemies, it was scarce enough to preserve
them alive.
It happened there was found among the French Pirates
a certain surgeon, who had done some remarkable services
to the Spaniards. In consideration of these merits, he was
unbound and set at liberty, to go freely up and down, even
as Monsieur Ogeron did. Unto this surgeon Monsieur Ogeron,
having a fit opportunity thereunto, declared his resolution
of hazarding his life to attempt an escape from the cruelty
and hard usage of those enemies. After mature deliberation,
they both performed it, by flying unto the woods, with design
there to make something or other that might be navigable,
whereby to transport themselves elsewhere ; although unto
this effect they had nor could obtain no other thing in the world
that could be serviceable in building of vessels but one only
hatchet. Thus they joined company, and began their march
towards the woods that lay nearest the sea-coast. Having
travelled all day long, they came about evening unto the
sea-side almost unexpectedly. Here they found themselves
without anything to eat, nor any secure place wherein to
rest their wearied limbs. At last they perceived nigh the shore
an huge quantity of fishes, called by the Spaniards corlabados.
These frequently approach the sands of the shore in pursuit
of other little fishes that serve them for their food. Of these
they took as many as they thought necessary, and, by rubbing
two sticks tediously together, they kindled fire, wherewith
they made coals to roast them. The next day they began to
cut down and prepare timber, wherewith to make a kind of
small boat, in which they might pass over unto the isle of
Santa Cruz, which belongs to the French.
While they were busied about their work, they discovered,
at a great distance, a certain canoe, which steered directly
towards the place where they were. This occasioned in their
minds some fears lest they should be found, and taken again
by the Spaniards ; and hereupon they retired into the woods
till such time as they could see thence and distinguish what
2
THEY REACH SAMANA 245
people were in the canoe. But at last, as their good fortune
would have it, they perceived them to be no more than two
men, who in their disposition and apparel seemed to be fisher-
men. Having made this discovery, they concluded unani-
mously betwixt themselves to hazard their lives, and overcome
them, and afterwards seize the canoe. Soon after they per-
ceived one of them, who was a mulatto, to go with several
calabashes hanging at his back towards a spring, not far distant
from the shore, to take in fresh water. The other, who was
a Spaniard, remained behind, waiting for his return. Seeing
them divided, they assaulted the mulatto first, and discharging
a great blow on his head with the hatchet, they soon bereaved
him of life. The Spaniard, hearing the noise, made instantly
towards the canoe, thinking to escape. But this he could not
perform so soon, without being overtaken by the two, and
there massacred by their hands. Having now compassed
their design, they went to seek for the corpse of the mulatto,
which they carried on board the canoe. Their intent was to
convey them into the middle of the sea, and there cast
them overboard, to be consumed by the fish, and by this means
conceal this fact from being known unto the Spaniards, either
at a short or long distance of time.
These things being done, they took in presently as much
fresh water as they could, and set sail to seek thence some
place of refuge. That day they steered along the coast of
Porto Rico, and came unto the cape called by the Spaniards
Cabo Roxo. Hence they traversed directly to the isle of
Hispaniola, where so many of their own comrades and com-
panions were to be found. Both the currents of the waters
and winds were very favourable unto this voyage, in so much
that in a few days they arrived at a place called Samana,
belonging to the said island, where they found a party of their
own people.
Monsieur Ogeron, being landed at Samana, gave orders
unto the surgeon to levy all the people he could possibly in
those parts, while he departed to revisit his government of
Tortuga. Being arrived at the said port, he used all his endea-
vours to gather what vessels and men he could to his assist-
ance ; so that within a few days he compassed a good number
of both, very well equipped and disposed to follow and execute
his designs. These were to go unto the island of St John de
246 AMBUSHED BY THE SPANIARDS
Puerto Rico, and deliver his fellow-prisoners whom he had
left in the miserable condition as was said before. After
having embarked all the people which the surgeon had levied
at Samana, he made them a speech, exhorting them to have
good courage, and telling them: You may all expect great
spoil and riches from this enterprize, and therefore let all fear
and cowardice be set on side. On the contrary, fill your hearts
with courage and valour, for thus you will find yourselves soon
satisfied of what, at present, bare hopes do promise. Every one
relied much on these promises of Monsieur Ogeron, and,
from his words, conceived no small joy in their minds. Thus
they set sail from Tortuga, steering their course directly for
the coasts of Porto Rico. Being come within sight of land,
they made use only of their lower sails, to the intent they
might not be discovered at so great a distance by the Spaniards,
till they came somewhat near the place where they intended
to land.
The Spaniards, notwithstanding this caution, had intelli-
gence beforehand of their coming, and were prepared for a
defence, having posted many troops of horse all along the
coast, to watch the descent of the French Pirates. Monsieur
Ogeron, perceiving their vigilance, gave order to the vessels
to draw nigh unto the shore and shoot off many great guns,
whereby he forced the cavalry to retire unto places more
secure within the woods. Here lay concealed many companies
of foot, who had prostrated themselves upon the ground.
Meanwhile the Pirates made their descent at leisure, and began
to enter among the trees, scarce suspecting any harm to be
there, where the horsemen could do no service. But no sooner
were they fallen into this ambuscade than the Spaniards
arose with great fury, and assaulted the French so courageously
that in a short while they destroyed great part of them.
And, thus leaving great numbers of dead on the place, the rest
with difficulty escaped by retreating in all haste unto their
ships.
Monsieur Ogeron, although he escaped this danger, yet
could willingly have perished in the fight rather than suffer
the shame and confusion the unfortunate success of this
enterprize was likely to bring upon his reputation, especially
considering that those whom he had attempted to set at
liberty were now cast into greater miseries through this mis-
BRUTALITY TO FRENCH PRISONERS 247
fortune. Hereupon they hastened to set sail, and go back
unto Tortuga the same way they came, with great confusion
in their minds, much diminished in their number, and nothing
laden with those spoils the hopes whereof had possessed their
hearts and caused them readily to follow the promises of
unfortunate Monsieur Ogeron. The Spaniards were very
vigilant, and kept their posts nigh unto the sea-side till such
time as the fleet of Pirates was totally out of sight. In the
meanwhile they made an end of killing such of their enemies
as being desperately wounded could not escape by flight.
Tn like manner they cut off several limbs from the dead bodies,
with design to show them to the former prisoners, for whose
redemption these others had crossed the seas.
_. The fleet, being departed, the Spaniards kindled bonfires
all over the island, and made great demonstrations of joy for
the victory they had obtained. But the French prisoners
who were there before had more hardship showed them from
that day than ever. Of their misery and misusage was a good
eye-witness, Jacob Binkes, Governor at that time in America
for the States-General of the United Provinces. For he hap-
pened to arrive in that conjuncture at the island of Porto
Rico, with some men-of-war, to buy provisions and other
necessaries for his fleet. His compassion on their misery was
such as caused him to bring away by stealth five or six of the
said prisoners, which served only to exasperate the minds of
the Spaniards. For soon after they sent the rest of the
prisoners to the chief city of the island, there to work and toil
about the fortifications which then were making, forcing them
to bring and carry stones and all sorts of materials belonging
thereunto. These being finished, the Governor transported
them unto Havana, where they employed them in like manner,
in fortifying that city. Here they caused them to work in the
day-time, and by night they shut them up as close prisoners,
fearing lest they should enterprize upon the city. For of such
attempts the Spaniards had had divers proofs on other occa-
sions, which afforded them sufficient cause to use them after
that manner.
Afterwards at several times, wherein ships arrived there
from New Spain, they transported them by degrees into
Europe, and landed them at the city of Cadiz. But notwith-
standing this care of the Spaniards to disperse them, they soon
248 LE SIEUR MAINTENON
after met almost all together in France, and resolved among
themselves to return again unto Tortuga with the first oppor-
tunity [that] should proffer. To this effect, they assisted one
another very lovingly with what necessaries they could spare,
according to every one’s condition ; so that in a short while
the greatest part of those Pirates had nested themselves again
at Tortuga, their common place of rendezvous. Here, some
time after, they equipped again a new fleet, to revenge their
former misfortunes on the Spaniards, under the conduct of
one Le Sieur Maintenon, a Frenchman by nation. With this
fleet he arrived at the island of Trinidad, situated between
the isle of Tobago and the neighbouring coasts of Paria.
This island they sacked, and afterwards put to the ransom
of 10,000 pieces-of-eight. Hence they departed, with design
to take and pillage the city of Caracas, seated over against
the island of Curacao, belonging to the Hollanders.
CHAPTER X
A relation of what encounters lately happened at the islands of
Cayana and Tobago between the Count de Estres, Admiral
of France, in America, and the Heer Jacob Binkes, Vice-
Admiral of the United Provinces, in the same parts
It is a thing already known unto the greatest part of Europe
that the Prince of Courland began to establish a colony in
the island of Tobago; as, also, that, somewhile after, his
people, for want of timely recruits from their own country,
abandoned the said island, leaving it to the first that should
come and possessit. Thus it fell into the hands of the Heers
Adrian and Cornelius Lampsius, natives of the city of Flushing,
in the province of Zeeland. For, being arrived at the said
island of Tobago, in the year 1654, they undertook to fortify
it by command of their sovereigns, the States-General. Here-
upon they built a goodly castle, in a convenient situation,
capable of hindering the assaults of any enemies that might
enterprize upon the island.
The strength of this castle was afterwards sufficiently tried by
Monsieur de Estres, as I shall presently relate, after I have first
told you what happened before at Cayana in the year 1676.
This year the States-General of the United Provinces sent
their Vice-Admiral, Jacob Binkes, unto the island of Cayana,
then in possession of the French, for to retake the said island,
and hereby restore it unto the dominions of the United Pro-
vinces aforementioned. With these orders he set forth from
Holland on the 16th day of March in the said year, his fleet
consisting of seven men-of-war, one fireship, and five other
small vessels of less account. This fleet arrived at Cayana
the 4th day of the month of May next following. Immediately
after their arrival, the Heer Binkes landed nine-hundred men,
who, approaching the castle, summoned the Governor to
249
aco COUNL DE HST RES: MISSION
surrender at their discretion. His answer was: He thought
of nothing less than surrendering, but that he and his people
were resolved to defend themselves, even to the utmost of their
endeavours. The Heer Binkes, having received this answer,
presently commanded his troops to attack the castle on both
sides at once. The assault was very furious. But at length
the French, being few in number and overwhelmed with the
multitude of their enemies, surrendered both their arms and
the castle. In it were found thirty-seven pieces of cannon.
The Governor, who was named Monsieur Lesi, together with
two priests were sent into Holland. The Heer Binkes lost in
the combat 14 men only, and had 72 wounded.
The King of France no sooner understood this success but
he sent in the month of October following the Count de Estres,
for to retake the said island again from the Hollanders. He
arrived there in the month of December with a squadron of
men-of-war, all very well equipped and provided. Being come
on his voyage as far as the river called Aperovaco, he met there
with a small vessel of Nantes, which had set forth from the
said island of Cayana but a fortnight before. This ship gave
him intelligence of the present state and condition wherein
he might be certain to find the Hollanders at Cayana. They
told him there were 300 men in the castle; that all about it
they had fixed strong palisades, or empalements ; and that
within the castle were mounted 26 pieces of cannon.
Monsieur de Estres, being enabled with this intelligence to
take his own measures, proceeded on his voyage, and arrived
at a port of the said island 3 leagues distant from the castle.
Here he landed 800 men, whom he divided into two several
parties. The one he placed under the conduct of the Count
de Blinac, and the other he gave unto Monsieur de St Faucher.
On board the fleet he left Monsieur Gabaret, with divers other
principal troops which he thought not fit or necessary to be
landed. Assoonas the men were set on shore, the fleet weighed
anchor, and sailed very slowly towards the castle, while the
soldiers marched by land. These could not travel otherwise
than by night by reason of the excessive heat of the sun
and intolerable exhalations of the earth, which here is very
sulphurous, and consequently no better than a smoky and
stinking oven.
On the 19th day of the said month the Count de Estres
ENGAGEMENT WITH DUTCH FLEET 251
sent Monsieur de Lesi (who had been Governor of the island,
as was said before), demanding of them, to deliver the castle
unto the obedience of the King, his master, and to him in his
sovereign’s name. But those who were within resolved not
to deliver-themselves up but at the expense of their lives and
blood, which answer they sent unto Monsieur de Estres.
Hereupon the French, the following night, assaulted and
stormed the castle on seven several sides thereof all at once.
The defendants, having performed their obligation very stoutly,
and fought with as much valour as was possible, were at
last forced to surrender. Within the castle were found 38
persons dead, besides many others that were wounded. All
the prisoners were transported into France, where they were
used with great hardship.
Monsieur de Estres, having put all things in good order at
the isle of Cayana, departed thence for that of Martinique.
Being arrived at the said island, he was told that the Heer
Binkes was at that present at the island of Tobago and his
fleet lay at anchor in the bay. Having received this intelli-
gence, Monsieur de Estres made no long stay there, but set
sail again, steering his course directly for Tobago. No sooner
was he come nigh unto the island but Vice-Admiral Binkes
sent his land-forces, together with a good number of mariners,
on shore, to manage and defend the artillery that was there.
These forces were commanded by the Captains Van der Graef,
Van Dongen and Ciavone, who laboured very hard all that
night in raising certain batteries and filling up the palisades,
or empalements, of the fortress called Sterreschans.
Two days after, the French fleet came to an anchor in the Bay
of Palmit, and immediately, with the help of eighteen boats,
they landed all their men. The Heer Binkes, perceiving the
French to appear upon the hills, gave orders to burn all the
houses that were nigh unto the castle, to the intent the French
might have no place to shelter themselves thereabouts. On
the 23rd day of February Monsieur de Estres sent a drum over
to the Hollanders to demand the surrender of the fort, which
was absolutely denied. In this posture of affairs things con-
tinued until the 3rd of March. On this day the French fleet
came with full sail, and engaged the Dutch fleet. The Heer
Binkes presently encountered them, and the dispute was very
hot on both sides. In the meanwhile the land-forces belonging
752 FRENCH ENTERPRIZE
to the French, being sheltered by the thickness of the woods,
advanced towards the castle, and began to storm it very
briskly with more than ordinary force, but were repulsed by
the Dutch with such vigour as caused them after three dis-
tinct attacks to retire with the loss of above 150 men, and
200 wounded. These they carried off, or rather dragged away,
with no small difficulty, by reason of their disorderly retreat.
All this while the two fleets continued the combat, and
fought very desperately, until that on both sides some ships
were consumed between Vulcan and Neptune. Of this number
was Monsieur de Estres’ own ship, mounted with 27 guns of
prodigious bigness, besides other pieces of lesser port. The
battle continued from break of day until the evening; a
little before which time Monsieur de Estres quitted the bay
with the rest of his ships, unto the Hollanders, excepting only
two, which were stranded under sail, as having gone too high
within the port. Finally the victory remained on the side
of the Hollanders, howbeit with the loss of several of their
ships that were burnt.
Monsieur de Estres, finding himself under the shame of
the loss of this victory, and that he could expect no advantage
for that present over the island of Tobago, set sail from those
quarters the 18th day of March, and arrived the 21st day of
June next following at the port of Brest in France. Having
given an account of these transactions to his most Christian
Majesty, he was pleased to command him to undertake again
the enterprize of Tobago. Unto this effect, he gave orders
for eight great men-of-war to be equipped with all speed,
together with eight others of smaller account : with all which
vessels he sent again Monsieur de Estres into America the
same year. He set sail from the said port of Brest on the 3rd
day of October following, and arrived the 1st of December at
the island of Barbados. Afterwards, having received some
recruits from the isle of Martinique, he sent beforehand to
review the island of Tobago, and consider the condition there-
of. This being done, he weighed anchor and set sail directly
for the said island, where he arrived the 7th day of the said
month of December with all his fleet.
Immediately after his arrival he landed 500 men, under the
conduct of Monsieur de Blinac, Governor of the French islands
in America. These were followed soon after by 1000 more,
FRENCH RETAKE TOBAGO 253
The 9th day of the said month they approached within 600.
paces of a certain post called Le Cort, where they landed all
the artillery designed for this enterprize. On the roth day
Monsieur de Estres went in person to take a view of the castle,
and demanded of the Heer Binkes, by a messenger, the sur-
render thereof, which was generously denied. The next day
the French began to advance towards the castle, and on the
12th of the said month the Dutch from within began to fire
at them with great perseverance. The French made a begin-
ning to their attack by casting fire-balls into the castle with
main violence. The very third ball that was cast in happened
to fall in the path-way that led to the storehouse where the
powder and ammunition was kept belonging to the castle.
In this path was much powder scattered up and down, through
the negligence of those that carried it to and fro for the neces-
sary supplies of the defendants. By this means the powder
took fire in the path, and thence ran in a moment as far as
the storehouse above-mentioned ; so that suddenly both the
storehouse was blown up, and with it Vice-Admiral Binkes
himself, then Governor of the island, and all his officers.
Only Captain Van Dongen remained alive. This mischance
being perceived by the French, they instantly ran with 500
men, and possessed themselves of the castle. Here they
found 300 men alive, whom they took prisoners and trans-
ported into France. Monsieur de Estres after this com-
manded the castle to be demolished, together with other
posts that might serve for any defence, as also all the houses
standing upon the island. This being done, he departed
thence the 27th day of the said month of December, and
arrived again in France after a prosperous voyage.
CHAPTER X1
Adventures of Captain Cook, in the year 1678. He is taken by
the Spaniards. Bold exploits, and revenge of his losses,
performed by some few Buccaneers that were on board his
ship
In the year 1678 Captain Cook, who followed the trade of
the West Indies and our several plantations there, happened
to go into the Bay of Campeche, there to load his vessel with
logwood, as many others had done before. The forests about
Campeche are a certain place adjoining to the Bay of Mexico,
unto which for many years the Buccaneers have usually
resorted to cut wood for the art of dyeing, and prepare hides
for shoe-leather, and other uses, towards the lading of several
ships that from all parts frequent the forementioned Bay, to
trade with them. After he had taken in his lading, having
also some of the Buccaneers aboard his vessel, he set sail for
the island of Tobago, at which place he was to deliver his
cargo ; but his fortune was to fall somewhat short, or leeward,
in the phrase of the mariners, of his desired and intended port.
Hereupon he came to anchor at the West end of a certain
island called Rubia, whereof mention has been already made
in the preceding history of the Buccaneers.
Here Captain Cook had not lain long at anchor, expecting
a wind for the prosecution of his voyage, when he was unex-
pectedly surprized and taken by three Spanish men-of-war.
These, having possessed themselves of his ship and cargo,
presently after set both him and his companions ashore
upon the aforesaid island. Here therefore being landed, they
found a Dutch Governor or officer, with six men in his retinue,
who were only settled there to purchase provisions for their
vessels that should happen to touch in those parts.
254
CAPTAIN COOK 255
Our English had not been long on this island but there hap-
pened to come into the road a Spanish boat, equipped with
sixteen or eighteen men and laden with coconuts (whereof
chocolate is made) and plate. The Buccaneers immediately
put it into the thoughts of Captain Cook to make reprizal
upon the countrymen of those who had so lately stripped them
of all they had: he approving of their proposals, in order
thereunto they acquainted the Governor’s man with their
intentions, and withal desired him, under promise of a good
reward, to lend them a small number of fusees, or guns, where-
with to put these their designs into execution. The Governor
and his men, hearing the promise of so great a reward, were
easily persuaded to accommodate them with arms at their
request : six men, therefore, of the Buccaneers, being thus
resolved and fitted with arms, placed themselves in ambuscade
about that part of the island where the boat of the Spanish
sloop was to come ashore. The boat happening to land there-
abouts in a small time after, as they desired, they immediately
set upon the men, and took them prisoners. Having bound
them fast upon the strand, they seized the boat and embarked
therein with resolution to take the vessel it belonged unto,
which they performed in this manner : two of them they
appointed among themselves to row the boat; two more
to charge their guns ; and the remaining couple were to fire
into the Spanish bark as briskly as they could pour in their
shot. In this posture they rowed in the wake, under the stern
of the said vessel. The Spaniards on board soon perceived
they were not to expect their own men again but enemies in
lieu of them. Therewith immediately they put themselves
into the posture of defence, and began to handle their arms.
But this they performed so unfortunately on their side, or
rather fortunately for the English, that the Buccaneers killed
the padre, or priest, they had on board, and the Captain or
Master of the vessel likewise ; whereupon the rest surrendered
themselves by throwing their arms overboard and craving
quarter for their lives. Thus at the same time they made
themselves masters of the vessel and restitution of their former
losses.
Here, in the first place, they gave the Dutch Governor out
of their gains a considerable present ; and his chief man they ©
rewarded very liberally for the loan of the arms aforemen-
256 CAPTAIN COOK
tioned. In the next, they assigned unto Captain Cook a valu-
able consideration for his losses, and likewise something unto
each, and every one of the mariners that belonged to his ship.
After which, the Buccaneers (for these were the chief, or
rather only, men concerned in this attempt) divided among
themselves nigh four-hundred pound to each, both in goods
and plate. Thus they set sail from the isle of Rubia in the same
Spanish bark they had taken, and arrived in few days after
at Jamaica, where they took out her lading, and afterwards
set fire unto the bottom, as being unfit for their purpose.
Here they paid the Governor his duties, and embarked them-
selves with their goods for England, where some of them live
in good reputation unto this day. Yet their names are desired
to be concealed in this place, this action resenting too much
of self-justice, or petite piracy, which is a term they themselves
have given unto it.
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CHAPTER XII
fA brief account of Captain Sharp and other his companions ;
their voyage from Jamaica unto the province of Darien and
South Sea ; with the robberies and assaults they committed
there for the space of three years, till their return for England
in the year 1682. Given by one of the Buccaneers who was
present at those transactions
WE set sail from Port Royal, upon the island of Jamaica,
in the year of our Lord 1679. /Our fleet consisted of five sail
of ships, whereof the chief Commanders were named Captain
Coxon, Cornelius Essex, Robert Allison, John Rose, and
Captain Sharp. The first port we went unto was Port Moranto.
Hence we steered our course directly for the coast of Cartagena,
or rather for the islands of Pines, commonly called De los
Pinos, not far distant from that coast. At these islands we
victualled our ships, as at other times has been done by other
men of the like trade. But in this passage from Port Moranto
unto the Pine Islands we had the misfortune to lose, by stress
of weather, two of our number of vessels, to wit Captain Sharp
and Cornelius Essex, who both separated from us in a storm.
However, having taken in what provision of victuals we
thought necessary, we steered thence towards the island
called Fuerte, or Forta. Being upon this course about the
middle of the islands called Zavallos, or Zambullos, we hap-
pened to meet with a French man-of-war, who was mounted
with eight guns, and who kept in our company for some days.
His commission was but for a small space of time—only for
three months. We shewed him our commission, which was
now for three years to come. This we had purchased at a
cheap rate, having given for it only the sum of ten ducats,
or pieces-of-eight. But the truth of the thing was that at
first our commission was made only for the space of three
s 257
258 CAPTURE. OF PORTO-BEELO
months, the same date as the Frenchman’s was; whereas
among ourselves we had contrived to make it last for three
years—for with this we were resolved to seek our fortunes.
Having ranged for some while up and down the islands,
which in those seas are pretty frequent, and finding nothing
that could give us satisfaction, we at last resolved to attempt
Porto Bello, which formerly had been taken and sacked by
Sir Henry Morgan, and others, both English and French,
hoping his fortune would favour our arms, and that we should
bring away no less booty than he had done before. Unto
this effect we thought it convenient to leave our ships at
certain islands not far distant from Porto Bello, and put our
men into fourteen or fifteen canoes, which we had taken for
that purpose. With these we landed at a considerable distance
from the town and port, and were constrained, after landing,
to travel three whole nights before we could reach the place.
By day we concealed ourselves in the woods and took our
rest, for then we dared not to travel, fearing lest we should
be discovered by the Spaniards, our mortal enemies, whom
we intended to plunder: yet, notwithstanding, all the care
we could possibly take, we were at last, before we came to
the town, discovered by a negro, who ran before us unto the
place and gave intelligence of our coming. Hereupon, per-
ceiving we were descried, we hastened our march after his
steps as fast as we could, and got into the town before he could
raise the citizens or any considerable body of defence could
be formed against us. Thus we possessed ourselves of the city
without any considerable loss on our side, and plundered all
we could find in the houses and elsewhere. Our stay here
was but short, for fear lest the enemy should rally against
us or pour in the country upon our small forces and thus
intercept our retreat—especially as we had left our ships at
the islands above-mentioned and were masters of only a few
canoes to convey us over the seas unto them. Having been
therefore in possession of the town the space of two days and
two nights, we resolved to quit it and return unto our ships.
We divided amongst us, out of the booty, about forty pound
sterling to each man, beside what extraordinary shares
were drawn by our officers, the owners of the vessels, carpen-
ters, surgeons, and those who lost any limbs, or were killed
in this expedition, according to the customary laws of the
CAPTURE OF A PACKET-BOAT . 259
Buccaneers, which are described in the History of these people
but lately printed. In this exploit of taking the town of Porto
Bello our number was not above that of 200 men, the residue
being left behind to man and defend our ships. Yet, notwith-
standing, these who guarded the ships had their shares equally
distributed unto them, as well as those who went on shore.
In all our whole number might consist of 300 fighting-men,
which we brought out from Jamaica with us—not many more,
if I well remember: which point I forgot to tell you at the
beginning of this relation.
Being returned on board our ships, we cruized to and fro
for some days, hoping to find some other purchase by sea, as
we had done by land. But nothing could we meet withal
that would stay our thirst and hunger after more prey: only,
being upon a certain tack, we happened to meet with a Span-
ish barco de avifo, or packet-boat, which was called St Rose,
mounted only with six guns, and which was bound for Spain,
or from there to the West Indies, with letters and intelligence
concerning the galleons, or flota, and other State affairs, as
they are usually sent every year by the Catholic King unto his
Viceroys, or Governors, in those parts, or else by them unto
His Majesty, upon the aforesaid account. This little ship,
therefore, we immediately set upon and took, but found not
so much in her as would answer our expectations. Neither
the letters they had on board could we reach, from which we
might possibly have learned something which would have
pleased our fancies or flattered our hopes for some while ;
for the Spaniards cast them into the sea, when they saw them-
selves in danger of being taken, before we could possess our-
selves of the vessel ; which was done according to the strict
and almost inviolable orders the Captains of these packet
boats, or navios de avifo (for so they are also named), that is
packet-ships, do constantly receive from the King of Spain ;
unto which effect also they take an oath, viz. to cast their
letters overboard, and not deliver them up to any enemy
whatsoever. Conformable to this point, all the Captains of
the galleons belonging likewise are solemnly sworn to sink,
burn, or otherwise to destroy their ships rather than permit
them to be taken by an enemy, for fear of enriching him not
so much with those their great vessels as with the treasure
they bring home.
260 LANDING IN DARIEN
After taking the packet-boat before-mentioned, perceiving
our vessels to be foul, we steered our course for Boca del Toro,
there to careen our ships. This place is already mentioned
in the History of the Buccaneers, and is often frequented by
Pirates for the same purpose. Here we met with Captain
Peter Harris, in a Dutch ship of thirty-two guns, and also
with Captain Richard Sawkins, who was in a small brigantine
mounted with only four guns. Both these ships had put in
there either to careen or refresh themselves with water and
other provisions.
Having cleansed and careened our bottoms to our satisfac-
tion, we afterwards cruized again for some while, in hopes of
finding some such purchase as we most desired. But, being frus-
trated of our expectations, at last we resolved to quit again
our ships and land on the coast of Darien, thinking there to
find what we so long had sought for—or at least [to] plunder
and pillage some towns belonging to that coast. This resolu-
tion therefore we presently put in execution; and, standing
over towards the land of Darien, we soon after went on shore
there, and began to range up and down the woods, designing
to take some prisoners who might serve us with intelligence
and be our guides, as being totally ignorant of the country.
Here we found an Indian that could speak Spanish, whom
therefore we examined very strictly, where the gold and silver
of that country did lie; for we had heard that both these
coveted metals were digged out or found in some parts of
that province by the Spaniards. He told us that not far
distant from there there was a place called Tocamora (for so
it was named), which was the receptacle-town of all the gold
that was found in those parts, saying often unto us in the
Spanish language, and repeating these words, mucho oro ay
en Tocamora, that is a great deal of gold lieth at Tocamora, and
that he would guide us unto it. With these promises we were
infinitely encouraged, and resolved not to return unto our ships
until such time as we had made some considerable booty, at
least sufficient for one voyage, to satisfy our earnest appetite
for gold. We landed in Darien, according to what I can best
remember, either about the latter end of March or the begin-
ning of April, in the year 1680, when began the chiefest and
hardest of our adventures both by land and sea—those I have
rehearsed being only the preludiums of such as were to follow.
COMPACT WITH INDIANS 261
By the way, as we marched towards Tocamora under the
conduct of our Indian, we took other prisoners, and learned
from them other things. That the Indians of that country
hated mortally the Spaniards and were at enmity with them :
that they had a chief Captain, or leader, whom they styled
Emperor, and who would be glad of our assistance against
the Spaniards, by whom he had been much wronged, and was
therefore with them in open and continual war. That, in
recompense of our service, he would certainly lead us unto
those places where most gold and silver was to be had, these
being unjustly detailed from him, and where it was but fighting
for it, and having more than we should be able to carry away.
These allurements put our minds upon new designs, and were
sufficient to entice us to present our auxiliary service unto the
Emperor of that country, as judging it more convenient to
be put in possession, or rather led unto those so vastly rich
places, by the Emperor and the Indians themselves than to
have both Indians and Spaniards all at once against us ;
especially in a foreign country where we knew not one step
of the way.
Thus, after an intercourse of some few messengers who
were sent to and fro, we came at last (not to be too tedious in
the narrative) unto a view and amicable parley with the
Emperor himself in person, who readily accepted of our ser-
vice and promised himself great matters from our aid and
assistance against the Spaniards. He failed not to promise
us great heaps of gold, would we but fight courageously
under his conduct, and regain those places from the Spaniards
where they were most certainly to be found. These things
we easily believed as feasible, and therefore as readily did
embrace his propositions ; yet, should we fail of our designs,
we had still other things under consideration, which might in
great probability be as profitable and turn to the same account.
The sum of these was to descend by the river of Darien, or
any other, into the South Sea, and there to rove up and down
until such time as we could meet any rich prize, or galleon
coming from Lima to Panama, or else to plunder again either
the city of Panama or any other of so many rich towns and
villages are known to border upon the coasts of that-sea.
As for shipping, though we had it not at present, yet we feared
not to obtain it by the help of those canoes we should employ
262 SERVICE WITH INDIANS
. to carry us down the river. After which, we considered it
would be no great difficulty to return homewards, either round
about the Strait of Magellan, which navigation, though diffi-
cult, had been performed by others, or through the same
country of Darien, where we were at present. Thus we
engaged, about the number of 300 men, in the service of this
Indian Emperor, whom we took for our leader, in company
of many others of his own subjects, who were to back our
designs, as we intended to lead the van of most attempts.
The name of this Emperor aforementioned was Andreas,
from which we guessed that some footsteps of Christianity
had been planted in his country by the Spaniards, and that
either he or his ancestors had been by them baptized, though
at present they seemed to regard but little what belonged
unto Christian religion. He had also a son, whose name was
Augustin, and unto whom we made bold, among ourselves,
_ to give the name of King Golden-Cap, from a certain cap,
or hat, of pure and massive gold which he had then upon
his head when first we saw him.
The first enterprize which the said Emperor propounded
unto us was to take the town of Santa Maria, situated pretty
near unto the Southern Sea and at the distance of several
days journey from the place where these things were agreed
upon. This town, as it was said, had been taken from the
Emperor by the covetous Spaniard, and was reported to be
hugely rich in dust of gold, which there was gathered in great
quantity out of the river that runs through the country.
Here was a fort and a town pretty well garrisoned, as having
between both about 400 Spaniards for their defence and to
guard the treasure which there was lodged of gold-dust, as
has been said. We marched, therefore, in company of the
Emperor Andreas (who always went before us, and encouraged
our men wherever they fought) the space of three days journey,
to meet his son King Golden-Cap at his own habitation,
or palace, lying in our way, he being to join with us in this
expedition. He entertained us very nobly at this palace for
a day or two, and sent us also presents of victuals to meet
us by the way, having heard of our coming. Thence we de-
parted with our entire little camp, the Emperor, and his son,
in quest of the town of Santa Maria, as yet distant from there
no less than four or five days journey. After several fatigues
THEY CAPTURE SANTA MARIA 263
sustained by the way, together with the loss of some of our
canoes by the downfalls of the rivers, and trees likewise which
the Spaniards had cast therein to hinder our passage, we
arrived by. night within two or three miles of Santa Maria,
and there reposed ourselves in the woods until the next
morning.
Day being come, we marched towards the town, and gave
the assault unto the place and fort : both which we carried,
or possessed ourselves of, with no great difficulty and an incon-
siderable loss on our side, consisting only of three men, though
several others were wounded. Of the Spaniards we killed
and wounded above 100. The fort was encompassed with
palisades, called also by the Spaniards estacadas or huge
strong and thick pales of wood. Having taken the fort
and town, and examined our prisoners very severely concern-
ing the treasure we there expected to find, all that we got
out of them was very inconsiderable, in view of the huge
expectations we had conceived in our minds. For the Spani-
ards, having timely notice of our march, had conveyed away
unto remoter places, towards Panama, some few days before,
all that was valuable upon the place ; so that our disappoint-
ment here in this particular was very great, and all that ever
we could rob and pillage, either in the town or fort, scarce
amounted unto twenty pound weight of gold and some small
quantity of silver.
Our stay here at Santa Maria was but short, not above
the space of two days, our resolutions being to seek revenge
for the huge loss, or rather disappointment, we had sustained
of our vast expectations. We had here intelligence given us
of some mine or mines of gold that were somewhere to be found
farther on about this place, called St Maries River, but whether
it might prove to be worth our time and labour to go seek
them (especially considering we knew how not to come at the
gold when we should find them out, and that the Spaniards and
miners, or slaves, would be all fled, transporting with them
what was already digged out) we could not easily determine.
Hereupon we all unanimously agreed to visit the South Sea,
unto which we were already very near, in those canoes we had
brought with us, which were sufficient for our number, con-
cluding either to attack Panama and ransack it anew, as
Sir Henry Morgan had done before us, or at least that we
7604 hliGy ENTER THe SOUTH SEA
should meet with some considerable prize in that Sea where
ships do navigate so quietly and but few pirates were ever seen.
Thus, having taken in what provisions we thought necessary,
we fell down the river in our canoes, taking the opportunity
of the tide, and arrived the next day-at the mouth of the
river in sight of the South Sea. Here we were all in danger
of being lost with our canoes, the wind blowing extremely
hard and causing a violent storm, which overwhelmed one
of our canoes with seven or eight men, who had all inevit-
ably perished had they not been taken up with the utmost
extremity of danger of others who ventured their lives to
save them. This river we went down into the South Sea
I think was called Darien, though I cannot be very positive
herein. Being now come into the Pacific, or South Sea, we
sailed, or rowed, along the shore towards Panama, which is
not far distant from the mouth of the river, where we disem-
bogued!, touching at several places or little islands in our
way to take in water or search for provisions for our fleet of
canoes. All this while we had in our company the Emperor
and his son Golden-Cap, together with the Indians they
brought into the field, so that we were a pretty considerable
fleet of fisher-boats or canoes: each canoe had six, eight, or
ten men on board, yea some had fourteen and more. At
Plantin Isle, which isle lies between the mouth of the river
we came out at and Panama, we seized a Spanish bark, which
had a considerable number of men on board her, I believe
above 100, but nothing else that was worth our acceptance.
This vessel we took in hopes of a good prize, and withal to
mend ourselves in shipping, for this was now the biggest
bottom we had.
By this time those of Panama had received advice of our
adventures at Santa Maria, as also of our coming into the
South Sea either in quest of that city or of some other hazard-
ous attempt. They were, therefore, infinitely alarmed at
these news, and in great haste had thrust out to sea three
or four small vessels or barks, though withal pretty well
manned, which they called La Armadilla, or The Little Fleet,
out of design to guard their coasts and oppose our attempts.
Thus the very next day we came into the South Sea one of
these barks belonging to the Armadilla came up with us,
1 See note 2 on p. 309.
DESTRUCTION OF THE ARMADILLA 265
and very briskly fired at our fleet, as if they would fight us
all; but soon tacked about and bid us adieu, having killed
[of] us one man and wounded six or seven more. Two days
after we met with three more of these barks belonging to the
Armadilla of Panama, whereof the one had on board, as well
as I can remember, 90 men; another had fourscore; and
the third threescore and five. These small men-of-war met
with us at a great disadvantage, for that morning we had
sent away the Spanish bark which we had taken at Plantin
Isle, to seek for fresh water at some places, we having been
disappointed of it where we had sought for it before; and,
to the intent she might go the safer and peradventure bring
us some good purchase by the way, we had put on board her
above 100 of our best men: so that what bottoms we had
left were only canoes, and in them not above 200 good fighting-
men, for of the Indians we made no great account, as wanting
both our arms and experience to manage them. The Arma-
dilla came up with full sail unto us, and engaged us very stoutly,
thinking to take or destroy every canoe in our fleet ; but we,
knowing scarce any quarter could be expected at their hands
especially in those seas, were resolved never to surrender,
and do the utmost of our endeavour to destroy them or make
them fly. Thus, after the first volleys of shot, we presently
encompassed one of these little men-of-war with our canoes,
and as desperately ran him aboard with sword and pistol
in hand, causing him suddenly to surrender. Being in posses-
sion of him, we took another of their small number, and forced
the third to fly away towards the town of Panama with all
the sail he could make: this rencounter, or engagement,
though but short, yet was very bloody—especially on the
Spaniards’ side—and sharp ; for in it we had a dozen of our
men killed outright, and almost forty who were desperately
wounded. How many the Spaniards lost or had wounded
among them we could not learn—especially in the third
vessel, which fought us all along very briskly and stood close
to it for a good while even after the other two were taken ;
so that we could not do otherwise than commend the courage
of those Spaniards.
The Armadilla being destroyed, we proceeded to the road
of Panama, which we instantly blocked up with our canoes
and other vessels, which now were three or four. Here in
266 BEFORE PANAMA
the harbour, and at the mouth thereof, we took five or six
vessels more, or rather ships, between great and small—but
no great booty in them: amongst these only was one, called
La Trinidad, or The Blessed Trinity, which was a ship of
four-hundred tons and in which we found about threescore-
thousand pieces-of-eight, that were sent to pay the garrison
of the town or for some other effect. In this ship, being a
good, strong and tight vessel, we came afterwards for England.
The dividend of this prize amounted unto above 240 pieces-
of-eight to each man; yet had we good fortune in not being
disappointed of this purchase, as we had been oftentimes
before in other adventures; for though we had blocked
up the mouth of the road, and lay, as I have said, before
Panama, yet this ship gave us the slip, and got into the har-
bour in the dark of the night both unseen and unknown to
us. However, we having intelligence thereof, entered the
harbour when they thought themselves in safety, and had
the good luck to seize and make a prize of her, though not
without some small loss of men. Both in this and other skir-
mishes we lost in all before Panama 40 men, and had about
50 more wounded ; so that now our small number was almost,
if not quite, reduced unto two-third parts thereof. The
wounded we all put into one vessel, which we appointed to be
the hospital of our fleet, and the other vessels we manned as
well as our number would afford to do it. After having stayed
some days before Panama and blocked up the road, we weighed
anchor, and went unto a little island named Tobago, there
to provide ourselves with several necessaries, which were at
that instant something scarce with us. As for the town of
Panama itself, we dared not to attempt it with so small a
number of men, they being well provided to give us a hot
reception: only once we landed 150 men, which were as
many as we could well spare from manning and defending our
fleet of canoes and ships; but found we could do no good
against the town, being repulsed with some damage, which
notwithstanding we made a good retreat unto our fleet.
Being almost ready to raise the blockade of Panama,
Captain John Coxon (or Croxen) began to vary in his resolu-
tions, and at last openly to mutiny against the rest of the
Company: the effect hereof was that he departed from us
and returned back with the Emperor and his son King Golden-
DEPARTURE OF COXON 267
Cap and all the Indians and canoes they had brought with
them, carrying also with him 50 of our English company and
the best surgeon of the fleet, who belonged unto him and who
would not go without his instruments to work withal, that is
to say the medicaments, which we very much wanted for our
wounded men. What medicines he left behind were not con-
siderable in comparison of what he carried away ; but this
point we knew not till afterwards, or we should have torn in
pieces the said surgeon and his master rather than have parted
with those things of which we had so much necessity. This
piece of dishonesty of Captain Coxon weakened much our
forces and diminished in great measure our number ; for, had
he taken care of or carried away our wounded men, we should
not much have resented his departure, the Indians being of no
- considerable help unto us. But here, that he may be known,
I will not omit to tell you that the chief occasion of his grudge
against us was because we reproached him for his ill-behaviour
in the engagement we had with the Armadilla of Panama ; for
in that dangerous action, to speak it all in a word, he shewed
himself more like a coward than one of our profession, that is
to say a true Buccaneer. What adventures he and his com-
pany met withal after they separated from us I cannot give
any just account thereof ; only that as we learned afterwards
he went back unto the mouth of the river, and over land much
by the same way he had come before, till he came to the North
Sea (where doubtless he found the ships we had left behind
us), being civilly entertained all along by those Indians and
the good Emperor Andreas and his son, though he had done
them no great service—which sheweth the civility of those
Indians, and what inclinations they had for us English rather
than the Spaniards, their ancient masters. Thus we dis-
engaged from the pretended service we had proffered unto
that Emperor—I call it pretended, forasmuch as any one
would easily guess that the real intent thereof was only to
serve ourselves with gold and silver, and learn intelligence
from those Indians where it was to be had, or, what is more
obvious, to be led by them unto it—especially considering
that, had we gone any other way about this matter, it might
have cost us every one of our lives; for these Indians of
Darien are very fierce withal, and are the same people that
killed and tore in pieces that famous Buccaneer L’Ollonais
268 CAPTAIN SAWKINS KILLED
(of whom you may read many notable exploits in the History
of the Buccaneers) and many other of his companions, for
landing upon and offering violence to their country and
habitations. |
But our constant resolutions were, not to go back nor return
homewards until such time as we had made a diligent search
into those Southern Seas, and freighted, if possible, our vessels
with gold, or at least as much silver as they could carry : such
vast expectations had we framed now unto ourselves, in the
vain ideas of our minds. Captain Coxon, who commanded
in chief, being separated or departed from us, we chose in his
place Captain Sawkins and Captain Sharp to lead us, and were
now reduced unto 200 men, whereof many, as was said before,
lay dangerously wounded in the hospital-vessel.
Having, therefore, refitted ourselves at the island of Tobago,
which is situated over-against the road of Panama, we sailed
thence about the middle of May, 1680, in quest of some other
purchase or design, coasting the shore towards the Northern
parts of America commonly called California. We persisted
in our course the space of eight or ten days, in all which time
nothing remarkable happened unto us ; till at the end thereof
we arrived at the isles of Quiblo, where there is a town called
by the Spaniards Puebla Nueva.
Here we landed to seek provisions, and by the by to plunder
what we could get ; but, the country being alarmed since our
blocking up the road of Panama, they had put themselves into
an indifferent good posture of defence, and hereupon watched
for our coming, and were resolved to entertain us as warmly
as they could. Captain Sawkins therefore, landing before the
rest, as being a man of undaunted courage, and running up
with a small party to some breast-works they had made before
the town, was here unfortunately killed, more through his own
temerity and the rashness of his conduct than any other cause.
Those who followed could not possibly rescue him, as being
not yet quite landed: besides him, two or three more were
killed and five or six wounded, which caused the residue of
those he had led up to retreat unto the waterside as fast as
they could. Thus we were beaten off from the place, and got
nothing but blows for our pains.
But this disaster occasioned a second mutiny amongst our
men: our Commanders were not thought to be leaders fit
SHARP MADE COMMANDER 269
enough for such great and hard enterprizes. Now Captain
Sharp was left in chief, and he was censured by many. The
contest grew so hot and came to that degree that we divided
again into parties, and about threescore-and-ten more of our
men fell off from us, separated, and returned back overland,
as Coxon and the others had done before. Others who com-
manded vessels threw up their commissions (I can only name
unto you Captain Cook for one), in whose room others were
placed to command their ships. Thus all things were in great
distraction, and our company decreased daily; yet others
held constant to their resolutions, and were still determined
to be buried in those seas rather than to return home without
the gold they had fought for so long and through so many
dangers. At the mouth of the river belonging to this place
we surprised a bark, or great boat, which was laden with maize,
or Indian wheat, which stood us in very good stead at that
present ; for provisions now again began to grow somewhat
scarce with us. Our Commander now was Captain Sharp, and
our number was only of 130, or not quite 140.
We sailed from Puebla Nueva, and steered our course for
the islands called De los Galapagos, or in English Tortoise
Islands, from the huge number of tortoises which there are to
be found. These islands, which are seven or eight, all compre-
hended under the same name, lie very close unto, if not under,
the equinoctial line : there we intended to careen our vessels
and seek more provisions ; but, the winds proving contrary
for a long while, we could not reach them, and were con-
strained to take up for the same purpose with another little
island called Gorgona, where indifferent good accommodation
was found for refitting our ships. Here we careened and got
in provisions, staying here for these two intents above a month,
so that it was towards the latter end of July before we departed
thence. Three or four days after we set out from Gorgona we
lost Captain Sharp in the dark of the night, and with him the
best vessel we had, which was the Trinity, the same ship which
we had taken out of the harbour of Panama. This loss occa-
sioned sundry distractions in our minds, not knowing what
would become of us after so many misfortunes : he was gone
from us a whole fortnight or thereabouts ; neither had we any
hopes of finding him any more, till at last, we happening to
put in at Drake’s Isle to seek for provisions, he happily arrived
270 URAKE S ISLAND = GUAYAQOULZ
there three days after, which caused in us infinite joy, he
having the best vessel and stoutest men on board: yes, we
had missed of him this time likewise, and perhaps for ever,
had we not, by a misfortune of sinking our canoe, which was
sent ashore, tarried there one day longer than we determined.
Having sailed from Drake’s Isle, we arrived in seven or
eight days after over against Guayaquil. Hereabouts, by
night, we took a little Spanish man-of-war, like unto the vessel
of the Armadilla of Panama ; who was come out from Guaya-
quil, and in a true blue Spanish bravado had undertaken to
take or destroy us with that little tool and only 30 or 40 men.
The Captain’s name was Don Thomas de Argandona, of which
name and family, as I am credibly informed, there have been
several sea-commanders in this age who were both skilful and
courageous men. The vessel we thought fit to sink, as being
of no use unto us and wanting men to man her. In the fight
we lost none of our men, and only three were wounded ; what
the Spaniards lost I do not remember. The prisoners told us
that some of our men who had deserted us at Puebla Nueva
had landed in a bark not far from Guayaquil, and that all of
them were killed by the inhabitants of an island where they
landed, excepting one: what became of the rest, I have not
yet learned. This was the occasion of fitting out this bark
against us, little thinking perhaps that we had a ship of four-
hundred ton under us, and only being persuaded they should
meet with some such little bark or canoe as that was, whose
men their neighbours had destroyed a little before.
About a week or ten days after, we took another prize more
valuable than the former: this was a ship of three-hundred
ton called S¢ Petey, and was loaden with coco-nuts, broad-
cloth, timber, and other goods, and was bound for Lima, which
is the capital city of Peru. We took out of her what we most
wanted, or thought fit for our designs, and, having cut down
the main mast, let her go with all the prisoners we had, and
most of the provisions that was on board her. This was about
the beginning of September, 1680, as my notes tell me.
Towards the latter end of October we descried the land of
Arica, having sustained beforehand for many days infinite
hunger and thirst. For provisions at length grew so scarce
with us that we were allowed only five ounces of meal, and
one pint of water to each man, the Captain himself having no
THEY SEIZE COQUIMBO 271
more allowance than the rest: yea, at last, some were found
among us who gave 30 pieces-of-eight for a pint of water, and
very glad they were to get it, so near starving we were when
we came to Arica. Here we could land no men, the sea was
so big, which made us go to a port close by called He lo he.
At this port we landed, and found some provisions, especially
at a sugar-works not far distant thence. Here we refreshed,
and feasted ourselves pretty well for three or four days. The
Spaniards came unto us with a flag of truce, and promised to
bring us in good store of beeves and hogs, as many as we de-
manded, provided we would spare their imgenio de azucar, or
sugar-works, and not pull it down ; which we promised to do.
But, two days after, these treacherous Spaniards sent 300
horsemen against us, instead of bringing the cattle, with full
intent to destroy us if possibly they could. We drew out our
men into a plain, and at the first volley killed several of them,
which made them wheel about and instantly retire, though
at first they came very fiercely against us. With this we re-
tired to our vessels, knowing no more good was to be done
there at that time, nor at Arica; for by this body of horse
we perceived all the country was alarmed against us.
From He lo he that day month we arrived at Coquimbo,
upon which place we resolved to revenge our former affronts
at Arica. Here we met with a body of 150 horse just at our
landing, which always watch the bay ; who instantly set upon
us with great fury, and made a circle about the first party of
our men that were landed, thinking to make sure of our de-
struction and cut us all in pieces. But we stood to our arms
very courageously, killed and wounded several of them, and
routed them soon, having only one man wounded on our side.
We followed them close at their heels into the town, which
we instantly took with no loss at all. This action was per-
formed with only four-score men, a few more or less, and the
first party that fought the horse were under 40. When we
came into the town, we found it was of a considerable bigness,
and had no less than eight or nine churches, which made us
fear there were more inhabitants than we could master, as
being so few in number that it were impossible to fight our
way through them, should they come to a head and make any
resistance. As therefore we met the inhabitants, we told them
they must repair to the church or churches, or else expect no
272 COQUIMBO SACKED
quarter from them that were following us who were many
hundreds in number ; for we were only the forerunners of a
greater body of Pirates that were at our heels. Having so
done, and got several churches full of the inhabitants, we
placed at each door a barrel of gunpowder with a train to it
and a man standing with a lighted match, who told them that,
if they offered to stir out, he would presently give fire; but
none offered to attempt it. So that by this means, while the
inhabitants remained in that confinement, we plundered the
town at our leisure. Here we found great store of provisions
of all sorts ; for the town is very pleasant and finely adorned
with orchards of fruit, vineyards, and gardens. At Coquimbo
is also gold-dust to be found in a river that runneth close by
the place. Here another piece of treachery was put upon us
by the Governor of the town. After a flag of truce and some
complements sent to and fro between us, he came to an
amicable parley with our Captain and only two more, one on
each side, where they drank very friendly together upon a
hill close by the town, he keeping the fields with his horsemen
and all those that were fled out of the town. There he pro-
mised to ransom the town from fire, for 95,000 pieces-of-eight,
which should be sent us in within a day or two. But that
night or the next they contrived to fire our ship, an Indian
swimming aboard under the stern with a ball of combustible
matter, which he fixed there unseen to our men ; so that, had
it not been discovered by the stink before it burst out into a
flame, we had all, both on shore and land, inevitably perished.
The next day they half-drowned the town by letting in many
sluices of water upon us; by which acts of hostility and
treachery we perceived no faith nor money more than what
we had already got was to be expected from them. Thus we
set fire to the town, staying as long as we could till it was all
in a flame, locked up the doors of the churches, and marched
out, fighting our way down to our boats, which we easily did,
for they made no great opposition after the first volleys of
our shot, which killed some few of them. Here we set Captain
Argandona on shore, Captain Peralta, who was taken in the
ship that was bound for Lima, and other prisoners which we
had still remaining on board our vessel, and whom we all along
entertained very well. We were in possession of the town of
Coquimbo only four or five days, and for our booty we brought
i ors
WATLING MADE COMMANDER 273
away five-hundred pound weight of plate, besides jewels,
goods, and other things.
_-~¥rom Coquimbo we sailed to the isles of Juan Fernandez,
where we kept our Christmas that year 1680, finding there
good plenty of provisions, and as much dissention among our
men—who would not return home that year, as our Captain
would have them to do, but make a farther search for gold,
or golden prizes, into those seas. -But the true occasion of
their grudge was that Captain Sharp had got by these adven-
tures, as it was said, almost a-thousand pound, whereas many
of our men were scarce worth a groat : and good reason there
was for their poverty, for at the Isle of Plata, called by us
Drake’s Isle, and other places, they had lost all their money
to their fellow Buccaneers at dice—so that some had a great
deal, and others just nothing. Those who were thrifty men
sided with Captain Sharp, and were for returning home ; but
the others chose another Commander, by name John Watling,
and turned Sharp out of his commission, pretending they could
do it as being a free election. And so they might do, for they
were the greatest number by far ; and power may pretend to
any thing. This contest had like to have come to blows among
us ; but some prudent men moderated the matter, and per-
suaded Captain Sharp’s party to have patience for a while—
at least seeing they were the fewest, and had moneys to lose,
which the other party had not.
By order of our new Commander Watling we set sail pre-
sently after the beginning of the New Year 1681 from the isles
of Juan Fernandez, and were resolved to go and plunder
Arica, both to find employment for our discontented party,
as being a vastly rich place, and to remember them for the
shams put upon us at He lo he or Ylo. “Just as we were ready
to sail, three men-of-war came upon us, one of eight, another
of twelve, and the third of sixteen guns. We had not so much
as one gun, for all our vessel was of four-hundred ton or more.
Neither had we now more than one ship, we having sunk the
Mayflower, wherein Captain Cox sailed, upon the coast of
Guayaquil, by reason we had broken her bowsprit with the
stern of the Tvinity, which had her in a tow, and could not
fit her with another.” These ships now being three against one,
and we not able to divide them, as we endeavoured to do, by
running on board their Admiral before the rest could come up,
25
274 REPULSE AT ARICA
we thought fit to run for it. So we did, bidding them adieu
in the night, and steering directly, as I have mentioned, for
Arica.
We landed at Arica, and fought the town with 93 men,
which number was all we could conveniently spare. We got
into the town and took several of their breast-works, yet were
repulsed from the castle, and afterwards beaten out of the
town by the country-people, who poured in upon us in huge
numbers ; so that we were forced to retreat unto our boats,
fighting our way through above 1000 men who were gathered
against us: this was the hardest shock we had in all the South
Sea. Captain Watling, our Commander-in-chief, was here
killed ; through whose ill-conduct, as it was thought, this mis-
fortune happened unto us. For, had he assaulted the fort in
time, before the people and soldiers that ran out of the town
were got into it, we had undoubtedly carried all before us.
But he trifled away his time in giving quarter and taking
prisoners upon the breastworks, till at last we had more
prisoners than we could command. We placed some of these
prisoners before the front of our men, when we assaulted the
castle, just as Sir Henry Morgan did the nuns and friars at
Porto Bello ; but the Spaniards fired as well at them as at us.
In a word, we lost here 40 men, nine of which were taken
prisoners, being our surgeons and others, while they were
dressing the wounded at the hospital; which loss of our
surgeons increased our damage very much, and only 42 or 43
were left serviceable to fight our way through so many hundred
of foot and horse unto our boats, we not losing one man by
the way, though several were wounded : so much did we awe
them with our fuzees, and so afraid were they to break in
upon us, though we were almost three miles from our boats.
This repulse we resented more than any other we ever sustained
before, since here was more plate and gold than we could well
carry away, by reason it is the embarcadero, or place where all
the vast riches that are brought from the mountains of Potosy
are shipped off for Panama, whence it goes into Spain. Now
Captain Sharp was chosen again, his conduct being thought
safer than any other man’s, and they having had trial of
another leader. Our surgeons we left behind had quarter from
the enemy, they being able to do good service in that country ;
but our wounded men were all knocked on the head, as we
FURTHER DESERTIONS 275
understood afterwards. This misfortune fell to us on the 30th
of January, being King Charles’ day, as I can remember by
some tokens.
Having set sail from Arica, we cruized to and fro for the
space of six weeks, but could meet with nothing that was to
our purpose. By this time provisions grew scarce again, and
our men began to mutiny anew ; some being for going home,
and others for staying longer till they had got more moneys.
To find them employment we put in at a place called Guasco.
Here we landed some of our men, took some prisoners, and
got in provisions, but did nothing else considerable. We
landed again afterwards within two leagues of Ylo, or He lo he,
where we took many prisoners, and thanked them for their
former kindness unto us, which we had not yet forgotten, as
they found by experience this time.
After this, about the middle of April, 1681, our dissentions
grew so high among us that above 40 more of our men deserted
us, and in boats and canoes rowed away from us, to go home
overland through the province of Darien, as their companions
had done before. They steered their course in quest of St
Maries River, belonging to that country, as was mentioned
before: their chief grudge was against Captain Sharp, whom
they envied and would not obey ; neither would we be brought
to choose another Commander, knowing that neither by that
means we should ever be able to keep them quiet. Thus we
parted with them, allowing them what was necessary for their
voyage, or they rather taking it away with them; but we
would not quarrel about it. Now our company and forces
were extremely weakened, but our hearts as yet were good ;
and, though we had met with many disappointments in several
places, yet we hoped that at last, by some means or other, we
should attain the ends of our desires, which was to enrich
ourselves.
Finding it very cold and bad weather in the latitude where
we were, we sailed Northward, and about the beginning of
May we came to the Gulf of Nicoya, where we anchored at an
island called Chero. Here we took down our upper-deck, and
sank our quarter-deck, and fitted ourselves very well to sea
again. This was all performed by help of a Spanish carpenter
and six or seven of his men, who were building some vessels
in a river close by. . We rewarded them for their pains with
276 DESERTION OF THE INTERPRETER
one of our barks, which we gave them, and for their sakes
turned loose all our prisoners, excepting some negroes, which
we detailed to do our drudgery. One man was lost here, who
was drowned, our drunken men ae the boat as they
came from shore.
From Chero we went to the island of El Cavallo, where we
lost our interpreter, who had done us good service all along,
and at this place ran away from us, as we judged, unto the
Spaniards, leaving behind him all that he had purchased in
the voyage, which was worth nigh 500 pound in money and
goods. What should be his intent in this action we could not
know, except to betray us unto that nation.
‘He was a Dutchman by birth, and his name James Marquis,
and was very intelligent in the Spanish lingua, and besides
that in several others. After his departure we had no great
use for an interpreter, neither now did we much want one ;
yet, in what occasions we had, we made use of one Mr. Ring-
rose, who was with us in all this voyage, and being a good
scholar and full of ingeniosity had also good skill in languages.
This gentleman kept an exact and very curious Journal of all
our voyage from our first setting out to the very last day ;
took also all the observations we made, and likewise an accu-
rate description of all the ports, towns, and lands we came to.
His papers, or rather his diary, with all his drafts, are now in
the hands of a person of my acquaintance at Wapping in
London, and, as he telleth me, are very nigh being printed,
which, if it be so, as I hope he will not fail to do it, I shall
refer you for the truth of what I have here said, unto those
papers ; for I desire to be corrected by them, if in any thing
here delivered my memory has failed me, for I am certain he
kept all along the best and truest account of all things that
happened, beyond any man about us, and observed more
particularities than any one else. Yet I am sure I have not
much deviated from the truth in what is here set down ; only
that, perhaps, I have omitted many things which I have for-
gotten, my notes being very short concerning all the voyage.
In June, 1681, we cleaned our vessel in the gulf called Dulce,
which we had not done so long before, and you may easily
believe was by this time very foul. Having sailed thence,
towards E1 Cabo de San Francisco, or Cape St Francis, some-
where about that Cape in July we took a ship that was bound
CAPTURE OF THE ROSARIO 277
for Panama and was laden with cacao-nuts, and had besides
some small quantity of plate on board her. We took out of
her the plate and goods, and what else we pleased, cut down
the main-mast, and so let her go before the wind towards the
port she was bound unto. About a fortnight after, at Cabo
del Paffao, we took another small prize which was bound for
Paita or Lima, that being the harbour, or landing-place, of
all that goes up to that great city, the head of Peru. This was
only a kind of packet-boat that was going from Panama to
Paita: she ran in under the shore when we gave her chase,
and most of the passengers and other people got to land ; but
we took the greatest part of them, and dismissed them the
next day, not knowing what to do with them, so they were
forced to foot it overland back again to Panama. The vessel
likewise we turned loose before the wind, the next day after
we had rummaged her pretty well, as having no farther service
for her. The next after, we came up with another sail at Cape
Paffao (where we took the packet-boat), which proved to be
one of the greatest adventures of this whole voyage, if not the
greatest of all, had we but known our own happy fortune, and
how to make good use of it. This was a ship called El Santo
Rosario, or The Holy Rosary, of an indifferent big burthen
and loaded with brandy and oil, wine and fruit, besides good
store of other provisions. They fired at us first, but we came
up-board to board with them, and gave them such volleys of
small shot that they were soon forced to surrender, having
several of their men wounded, their Captain killed, and one
only man more. In this ship, besides the lading above-
mentioned, we found also almost 700 pigs of plate, but we
took them to be some other metal, especially tin: and under
this mistake they were slighted by us all, especially the Captain
and seamen, who by no persuasions used by some few, who
were for having them rummaged, could not be induced to take
them into our ship, as we did most of the other things. Thus
we left them on board the Rosario, and, not knowing what to
do with the bottom in that scarcity of men we were under,
we turned her away loose unto the sea, being very glad we
had got such good belly-timber out of her and thinking little
what quantity of rich metal we left behind. It should seem
this plate was not yet thoroughly refined and fitted for to
coin; and this was the occasion that deceived us all. One
278 BOOK OF SEA-CHARTS
only pig of plate, out of the whole number of almost 700, we
took into our ship, thinking to make bullets of it ; and to this
effect, or what else our seamen pleased, the greatest part of
it was melted or squandered away. Afterwards, when we
arrived at Antigua, we gave the remaining part of it, which
was yet about one-third thereof, unto a Bristol man, who knew
presently what it was (though he dissembled with us), brought
it to England, and sold it there for seventy-five-pound sterling,
as he confessed himself afterwards to some of our men. Thus
we parted with the richest booty we had gotten in the whole
voyage, through our own ignorance and laziness.
In this ship, the Rosario, we took also a great book full of,
sea-charts and maps, containing a very accurate and exact
description of all the ports, sounding, creeks, rivers, capes, and
coasts belonging to the South Sea, and all the navigations
usually performed by the Spaniards in that ocean. This book,
it seemeth, serveth them for an entire and complete Wagenaer},
in those parts, and for its novelty and curiosity was presented
unto His Majesty after our return into England. It has been
since translated into English, as I hear, by His Majesty’s
order, and the copy of the translation, made by a Jew, I have
seen at Wapping ; but withal the printing thereof is severely
prohibited, lest other nations should get into those seas and
make use thereof, which is wished may be reserved only for
England against its due time. The seaman who at first laid
hold on it, on board the Rosario, told us the Spaniards were
going to cast this book overboard, but that he prevented them,
which notwithstanding we scarce did give entire credit unto,
as knowing in what confusion they all were. Had the Captain
himself been alive at that time, his story would have deserved
more belief ; yet, howsoever, if the Spaniards did not attempt
to throw this book into the sea, at least they ought to have
done it for the reasons that are obvious to every man’s under-
standing and are hinted at before. We parted with the Rosario
and her plate the last day of July, 1681.
Here it was, at Cape Paffao, immediately after our turning
away to sea the Rosario, and on the first or second day of
August, 1681, that we set up our resolutions to seek no farther
into those seas, but to come away for England round about
the Strait of Magellan or by Strait Le Maire. This voyage
1 Lucas Wagenaer, Den Nieuwen Spieghel dey Zeevaert . . . iM
diversche Zeecaerten begrepen; folio, Amsterdam 1596,
THEY SAIL FOR ENGLAND 279
we thought less dangerous by far, seeing others had performed
it before us, than to go overland, as our companions went,
through such great and imminent dangers both of Indians and
Spaniards ; through which nations, peradventure, we should
be forced to fight our way almost every step we made: after
which, when we came to the North Sea, we knew not how to
get any shipping to convey us unto Jamaica; for we could
not question but our own ships were either departed long be-
fore that time or at least taken up and carried away by our
companions and deserters; besides that we had too much
goods and luggage to carry overland, taken out of our several
prizes, which we were unwilling to lose. Our chief motives
for this sudden departure for England were the huge scarcity
of men we had at that present ; for now our whole number
was reduced unto 64 men, whereof many were not fit to bear
arms, as being negroes and others, that had only courage or
skill to do our drudgery: this number, we feared, by any
farther encounters might be so far lessened as scarce to be able
to man our ship, at least to convey us home in safety; whereby,
should we weaken it more, we might come to lose all we had
got. And now we had purchased in the Rosario good store of
provisions, especially of wine and brandy, sufficient to last, as
we hoped, for such a voyage ; which, should we diminish upon
farther adventures, we knew not when we should be so well
provided again. The last motive was that most of our men
had gotten pretty well by this voyage, and were afraid to lose
by farther adventures what they had already purchased ; for,
though some of our men had made away or lost all their money
at play, yet others were so much the richer by their losses.
For these reasons we set sail from Cape Paffao on the third day
of August, to seek for the Strait of Magellan, or that of Le
Maire, thereby to return into England, or at least unto the
Leeward Islands.
This voyage round about the Strait of Magellan, or rather
beyond it, as also beyond the Strait of Le Maire, we performed
in just six months, a day or two more or less, till we arrived
at Antego at the end of January, 1681, having set forth from
Cape Paffao, in the South Sea, at the beginning of August,
1681, as was said before. In all this long and tedious voyage
very little happened unto us that was remarkable, neither had
we any encounter with enemies either by sea or land that is
280° HOSTILE RECEPTION AT: EIMA
worth rehearsing—only two or three things I shall hint unto
you by the by.
At Paita, which is the landing-place, or harbour, belonging
to the court of Lima, situated some few miles distant from the
sea, we endeavoured to land some of our men upon the side
of the bay. Having manned already our canoes for this intent
with 30 or 40 men, which was now the greatest number we
could spare, we descried many hundred men, both horse and
foot, drawn up into battle-array, who waited for our landing.
By this sight we perceived that we were discovered, and that
the whole country was alarmed against us, whereby we judged
it would be the greatest piece of rashness in the world to go
ashore and throw ourselves, being so few, into the mouths of
so many enemies. Hereupon we gave over the design we had
against that rich place, went back into our ship, and sailed
away for the Strait of Fernando de Magellan.
In October we had very hard weather, that we had much
ado to keep the seas. This was, if I well remember, about
50 degrees and a half of Southern latitude. Here, in this stress
of weather, we spied a high land, unto which we made, and
came to an anchor in a good harbour, where we moved our
ship to the land. Here we stayed all the remaining part of
that month, which was about three weeks, fishing and fowling
for our maintenance, as much as the weather would permit
us—thereby to save our other provisions. We took one Indian
prisoner, but could not learn of him what country that was,
as not understanding his language: we sought for others, but
they were fled. These Indians are very wild, and do eat raw
flesh. Unto this place we gave the name of the Duke of York’s
Island, more by guess than anything else ; for whether it were
an island or continent we could not tell—only we conceived
it to be so, and that other islands there might be adjoining
unto it. One of our company, whose name was Shergall, was
drowned as we went into the harbour, falling overboard from
the sprit-sail-top.
About the beginning of November, we set forth again hence,
seeking for the Straits either of Magellan or Le Maire, but
could find neither of them. The hardness of the weather was
such that we missed both of them, and were driven many
degrees beyond them: neither could we make any land, but
came round about such a way as peradventure never any
7
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:
%
DISPERSAL OF THE BUCCANEERS 281
mortals came before us. Yet nothing remarkable did we see
or meet withal, except hard weather, and here and there some
floats of ice of two or three leagues long. We were very nigh
60 degrees of Southern latitude: this is all I can remember,
not having any Journal nor the particular observations by me
that were taken when the weather permitted.
Thus we arrived, by God’s infinite mercy, in safety at the
island of Barbados, just at the latter end of January, 1681.
Here a boat came off to us that belonged to the Richmond
frigate: we were afraid of the said frigate, lest she should
seize us for pirateering, and strip us of all we had got in the
whole voyage. Hereupon we stood away for the isle of
Antigua, but could not get leave to come into the harbour,
though to obtain it we sent a present of jewels unto the Gover-
nor’s lady ; but he would not grant it, and our jewels were
returned us very civilly. Hence we resolved every one to shift
for ourselves: the ship in which we came home, which was
the Trinity, as I have said before, taken by us at Panama,
we gave away to seven or eight of our men who had payed
away all their money. Thus we dispersed, some of our com-
pany coming to England, others going to Jamaica, Barbados,
New England, Virginia, and other places. The island of Bar-
bados was the very first land we descried in the whole voyage
of three-months’ time, that is ever since we set out from the
Duke of York’s Island, as we named the place at the beginning
of November. This navigation, performed by us, proves that
several degrees more to the South of the Strait of Magellan,
or that of Le Maire—especially about 58, 59, or 60 degrees
of Southern latitude—there is a much easier passage from the
North unto the South Sea than through either of these two
Straits. Also that there is no such continent as Terra Australis
incognita, as is named and described in all the ancient maps :
so that it is but steering many degrees higher to the South
and one may go as easily into the South Sea, or come thence
into the North Sea, as we can go from England to Jamaica,
only that the voyage, peradventure, will be something longer
than by the Strait of Magellan, which makes not much to
the purpose, but is rather much better seeing it is performed
through an open sea and with less danger by far than through
either of those Straits. All these things I hope will very dis-
tinctly be made out in the papers, maps, and drafts of that
282: TRIAL AT TEE. Wear SHALS EA
ingenious man Mr Ringrose above-mentioned, unto which I
must of necessity refer you, against the time of their coming
forth in print.
Captain Sharp our Commander, myself, ona several others
came for England, soon after the performance of this voyage.
Here several of us were put into prison and tried for our lives,
at the suit of Don Pedro de Ronquillo, the Spanish Ambas-
sador, for committing piracy and robberies in the South Sea ;
but we were acquitted by a jury after a fair trial, they wanting
witnesses to prove what they intended : neither had they had
any at all against us, were it not for two or three villains of
our own company, among which were two negroes who turned
cat in the pan!, and had a spleen against Captain Sharp and
others that had profited more by the voyage than they had
done. One chief article against us was the taking of the
Rosario and killing the Captain thereof and another man ; but
it was proved the Spaniards fired at us first, as I have hinted
at above, and thus it was judged we ought to defend ourselves.
During the space of our imprisonment and trial several others
of our company were forced to abscond and keep themselves
concealed very close, for fear of being taken and brought under
the same indictment. Also at Jamaica three of our company
who arrived there were taken and cast into prison, and one of
them was hanged who was wheedled into an open confession
of his crime: the other two stood it out, and escaped, as I
suppose, for want of witnesses to prove the fact against them.
Our trial was at the Marshalsea in Southwark, by a Court of
Admiralty.
Thus far I have given you an account of our adventures in
the South Sea. But here you inquire of me what is become
of Captain Sharp since the time of his trial? I must tell you
I could wish I had a better account to give of him than what
I have at present: he wasted all his money here in good
fellowship in a short while after that he was set at liberty ;
much he spent also while he was under confinement, so that
he was soon reduced low, as most of the Buccaneers use to be
after their voyages, according to what is truly enough related
of them in that History. Having spent all his money, he
resolved to go seek for more, and that by the same means he
1 An old proverbial saying (occurring in Heywood’s Proverbes,
1546): to prove perfidious, to change sides—probably a culinary
metaphor, from cate (cake).
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THE LAST OF CAPTAIN SHARP 283
had used formerly ; yet an order there was, either from the
Privy Council or the Court of Admiralty, that no Commander
should carry him into those parts of the West Indies again,
fearing lest he should do more mischief unto the Spaniards,
contrary to the articles, beyond the line, for they had notice
given them he intended to return thither to make new dis-
coveries upon those coasts, and unto this effect had already
taken up his passage in one of His Majesty’s frigates—but this
order prevented him. As for merchant-ships, they refused to
carry him, fearing he would tempt the men to revolt aginst
the masters, and by this means run away with the ship to
privateering, as he had done before.
Not finding, therefore, any means to get out of England, he
got together a little money, and with this he bought an old
boat, which, as I am told, used to lie above London Bridge,
for the sum of £20 sterling. Into this boat he put a small
quantity of butter and cheese, and a dozen or two pieces of
beef: these were his provisions : his crew were only 16 men.
With this equipage he sailed down the river, and came unto
the Downs: hereabouts, as ’tis said, he met with a French
vessel, which he clapt aboard, seized, and made himself master
thereof. Presently after he sank his own boat, which he in-
tended to carry no farther than until he could provide himself
with a better bottom. Upon Romney Marsh he espied some
cattle, and thereupon sent some men ashore to provide what
they thought fit for the present victualling of their vessel.
Thus he is gone out of England, but whither, upon what
design, or what adventures he has met withal since, I cannot
tell you.
THE
BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA
THE SECOND VOLUME
CONTAINING THE DANGEROUS VOYAGE AND BOLD ATTEMPTS
OF
CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW SHARP
AND OTHERS
PERFORMED UPON THE COASTS OF THE
SouTH SEA FOR THE SPACE OF TWO YEARS
From the Original Journal of the said Voyage
written by
MR BASIL RINGROSE, GEnrt.
Who was all along present at those Transactions
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PARL: AV
CONTAINING THE DANGEROUS VOYAGE AND BOLD ASSAULTS
OF CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW SHARP AND OTHERS,
PERFORMED IN THE SOUTH SEA, FOR
THE SPACE OF TWO YEARS, ETC.
THE PREFACE TO THE READER
THE general applause wherewith the History of the Buccaneers
has been received could have no other effect than easily to
persuade the Publisher of that piece to undertake the Second
Volume thereof, especially considering that the same points
which deserved the credit and commendation of the first did
seem to subsist for the like esteem and reception of the second.
These were the fidelity of the relations both here and there
published, the authors having been not only eye-witnesses but
also actors in the transactions they report ; the candour and
sincerity of the style; the variety and pleasantness of these
voyages ; the greatness of the attempts here related ; the un-
paralleled courage of the Buccaneers ; the strangeness of their
performances ; the novelty of their exploits ; and, withal, the
glory and grandeur of valour which here is seen to be inherent
to our English nation, and as pregnant of great actions in the
present as in the former ages. Unto which points may be
_ added in this Second Volume for its recommendation the
grand discovery of a new passage into the South Sea, beyond
the Straits of Magellan and Le Maire through an open and in
no wise dangerous ocean without those formidable perils from
rocks, currents, and shoals which hitherto have rendered the
two passages aforementioned altogether inaccessible to
U 289
$90; THE PREFACE. TO THE READER
trading: a navigation performed by Captain Sharp and his
companions, many degrees beyond what Sir Francis Drake,
Jacob Le Maire, Noord, or Magellan himself, who first circum-
navigated the world, ever reached unto in their sailings. This
discovery alone, as hugely beneficial to mankind, so may it
seem sufficient of itself to recommend the present piece unto
the public, even as extremely necessary to all such as navigate
the ocean, and no less delightful unto those persons whose
studies are directed to the search of nature, to the arts of
mathematics or navigation. Besides which point, both of art,
curiosity, and usefulness, we have given unto us here by Mr
Ringrose an exact account of many places in the South Sea ;
the very draughts and maps of many ports, islands, bays,
gulfs, points, and coasts, hitherto unknown to the greatest
part of Europe—their appearance at sea, their surroundings,
landings, and bearings ; together with what variety of winds
and weather, of currents and calms, and other observations
the Buccaneers experimented in those parts. All which things,
as they manifest unto us the inquisitiveness of the author, so
ought we highly to applaud his curiosity and genius, who all
along the course of this voyage not only fought with his sword
in the most desperate engagements and battles of the Bucca-
neers against the Spaniards, but with his pen gave us a true
account of those transactions, and with his pencil has de-
lineated unto us the very scenes of those tragedies. Thus we
find him totally employed towards our information and in-
struction at home while he endured the greatest fatigues and
hardship abroad: at the same time making quadrants at sea
that others sat idle and murmuring upon the decks; at the
same time shipwrecked and almost naked and starving upon
a desert island, and yet describing, even more exactly than
the Spaniards themselves, the Gulf of Ballona (otherwise
called of San Miguel), where he was cast away. These things,
I say, as they are not undeserving of the highest praise and
commendation in this ingenious gentleman, Mr Ringrose
their author, so shall the curios of nature and posterity
itself be his eternal debtors for their acquaintance with these
writings.
Some imperfect account of these transactions, both short
and in many things defective, I gave last year unto the public,
at the end of the second impression of the History of the
a ee
a
THE PREFACE TO THE READER 291
Buccaneers. But, such as that relation was, I had no better
then to give ; neither had I then seen the present Journal of
Mr Ringrose, and that same account being received from the
hands of some of the Buccaneers themselves at Wapping, it
was esteemed fit, both by me and others, to be published at
that time. But as the author of those papers, mistrusting
both his own memory and sufficiency, remits himself in that
narrative unto the Journal of Mr Ringrose, and desires by this
alone to be corrected or supplied either in what he was mis-
taken or deficient—so now, this Diary being published, I hope
I have vindicated myself from any fault in history, having
brought these papers to light by which those others were
beforehand both acknowledged and desired to be amended.
As to my other Journal of this voyage, I shall not concern
myself in the least with their veracity, nor meddle with their
relations—knowing that, if any other person did take it, that
no person in the voyage was so able as Mr Ringrose. Yet I
know that divers narratives, in many points differing from
one another, have at several times been made public of one
and the same battle, one and the same siege, voyage, journey,
or other transaction. And indeed all human affairs, whereso-
ever reported by various persons, though all were present at
the times and places of their circumvolution, are necessarily
subject to some diversity in the rehearsal—one person observ-
ing, omitting, contracting, dilating, understanding, or mis-
taking one particular point or part of any transaction more
than another.
Having premised this much, I shall here only declare that
what is here asserted shall be supported by Mr Ringrose him-
self whenever he returns into England—yea, and owned for
truth by Captain Bartholomew Sharp, as the chiefest actor in
these affairs, as soon as he comes home again; and, if any
other person can show unto the world any Journal of the same
voyage more complete, more exact, more elaborate, more
curious and informing than Mr Ringrose has done, he shall
deserve the laurel for me.
The case being thus stated concerning the present narrative
or Journal, I hope no person for the future will asperse or mis-
construe the sincerity of my intentions in relation to the
public. This I speak under that due resentment I ought to
have for being traduced the last year by some persons who,
292 THE: PREFACE. TOCTHE READER
being transported with too much passion and partiality, would
have nobody else to be an admirer of the person and valorous
actions of Sir Henry Morgan or the rest of the Buccaneers but
themselves. As if to publish a translation of the unparalleled
exploits of that Jamaican hero—to give him this commend-
able title ; to say that both he and his companions had acted
beyond mortal men in America ; to compare them to Alex-
ander, Julius Cesar, and the Nine Worthies of Fame; to
propose them unto our English nation as the truest patterns
of undaunted and exemplary courage that it ever produced,
were to disparage the conduct of Sir Henry Morgan and his
companions—as if all this were intended only to diminish the
glory of his actions and eclipse the splendour of his and their
valorous triumphs. Methinks, if envy reach thus far, with the
same reason or unjust measure those persons may say that to
publish this present Journal is to divulge nothing else than a
satire against Captain Sharp; and that Mr Ringrose, who
everywhere admires his conduct and extols his actions to the
skies—yea, and was present himself and concerned in the same
affairs—did mean nothing else than to traduce his own and
Captain Sharp’s name as infamous unto posterity. For my
part, I judge myself so far distant from blemishing? in the
least or disparaging Sir Henry Morgan or his heroic actions,
that I believe I have showed myself to be the greatest admirer
of his personal valour and conduct—yea, I think I have done
more towards the advantage both of the honour and credit of
that great commander, by soliciting and publishing that trans-
lation, than all the authors of our English nation besides. And
I could unfeignedly wish that these persons who pretend to be
so passionate for Sir Henry Morgan and his huge deserts as
to misinterpret the sincere respects and service I have en-
deavoured to perform unto his merits would outdo that I have
already done in this particular, and give us either a more full,
exact, and true account of his exploits, or the best panegyric
of his prowess that ever was written ; and then experiment
whether I did not readily embrace the printing such a thing
at my own cost and charge, or rather render them ten thousand
thanks for his commendations than carp at their actions for
perusing and printing the same.
1 Aspersing: cf. Mrs. Hutchinson, Memoirs of Col. Hutchinson, ed,
1846, p. 51: ‘‘ Blemish not a man that is innocent.”
THE PREFACE TO THE READER 293
For what if the French or Dutch author of the History of
the Buccaneers did mistake himself in two or three points re-
lating to Sir Henry Morgan? Must therefore the Publisher
be blamed for faithfully printing what was most faithfully
translated ? Must the saddle be set upon the wrong horse,
and the faults of the author be imputed unto the printer ?
Thus, if Mr Ringrose should happen to commit any mistake
in these present papers, that blame should be presently mine ;
and happy should be all authors if so readily their errors could
be discharged upon the Publishers. Besides, what authors can
there be found so accurate in all things as not to be subject
now and then to some little lapses of their pen? Were it so
in John Esquemeling ; as he ought to be pardoned for any
small peccadillo shot wittingly nor willingly committed, con-
cerning what he relates of Sir Henry Morgan, so am I hitherto
persuaded that he never designed to offend that great person,
or falsely traduce his memory in the least. My argument is :
Because he himself had the hand of a private Buccaneer in
those affairs, he himself was a sharer in those booties, an actor
in those enterprizes, and could no more blame Sir Henry
Morgan for leading unto those attempts than blemish him-
self for following unto them. Another reason, even more
prevalent, is that he all along speaks more honourably of Sir
Henry Morgan than of any other Commander of the Bucca-
neers though they were his own countrymen, either Francis
L’Ollonais or Roche Brasiliano, whereof the one was a Dutch-
man and the other was born in France. So that to say that
he represents the English Buccaneers as the worst of men is
plainly to forget that he relates ten times greater villainies of
his own nation and countrypeople ; and that the partiality
they accuse him of, if any such can be found in that author,
is rather bent against the French and other nations than the
English. Does he in any place of his History lay all the faults
and cruelties of the English Buccaneers upon Sir Henry
Morgan? Or do we believe that, if committed without order,
as in most armies many things are so done, the General or
Commander-in-Chief ought to be accountable for them? Or,
if those things were performed by order, that the Spaniards
had not deserved them at the hands of the Buccaneers ?
Aye, but he mistakes the pedigree of Sir Henry Morgan.
Truly a great fault,,and unpardonable in John Esquemeling,
2o4 [iE PREPAC. TO: THE READER
a foreigner to our nation and an illiterate Buccaneer, that he
should not be better read in our English history! So did he
also mistake his very name, calling him Captain John Morgan
(for Henry) ; but that fault was rectified in the translation.
As if every private soldier ought to be thoroughly acquainted
with the Christian name of his General, and know whether he
was baptized John or Thomas, Richard or William! Now
what dishonour can it be refuted unto the merits of Sir Henry
Morgan to be misrepresented by John Esquemeling, for the
son of a rich yeoman in Wales, whereas at the same time he
says that he was of good quality in that country even as most
who bear that name in Wales are known to be? Does not
all our English nation know the family of the Morgans to be
one of the ancientest and best qualified in all Wales or England,
and that to be descended of a rich yeoman of the same family
is as great an honour and as honourable a pedigree as any
private gentleman needs to pretend to ?
But then Sir Henry Morgan did not burn Panama. And
what disgrace was it to that worthy person if he had set fire
unto it, for those reasons he knew best himself? Certainly
no greater dishonour than to take and plunder the said city.
Thus are all these persons so far transported with passion
towards Sir Henry Morgan as to bereave him of the glory of
his greatest actions, whether true or false. For, whether he
fired the town or not (for that question I shall not make mine),
this I am sure, that it was constantly so reported and be-
lieved here in England, viz. that the English had set fire unto tt,
that unto this day the Buccaneers do believe it to be so; and
consequent unto this belief Mr Ringrose in these papers says
plainly in some place or other that Panama was once burnt
by Sir Henry Morgan; that the Spaniards themselves never
believed or reported this fact otherwise, neither will they easily
be persuaded to the contrary unto this very day, as I am
credibly informed by those persons who lived in Spain at the
same time that the news of the taking of Panama was brought
into Spain, and who have been resident there many years since.
For what concerns what now is published that the Governor
of Panama fired the town himself is rather believed by the
Spaniards to be a sham of the Governor’s making—thereby
to save his own bacon—against whom they rail as the greatest
coward that ever was, for deserting the town and flying to the
THE PREFACE TO THE READER 295
mountains at the approach of the English. How then, say
they, could he fire it himself, or give orders to have it fired,
when we know he was upon the spur 30 or 40 miles distant
from there ? Had he done it, he would have set fire unto every
house before he had left the town and not so many hours after
the English were in possession of the place and be at such a
distance from it. Thus, both the English nation and the
Spanish having agreed to give the honour of this action, either
truly or falsely, to Sir Henry Morgan, I cannot but admire
that those who pretend to be the greatest admirers of his
merits should endeavour to divest him of it.
What concerns two or three points more relating to Sir
Henry Morgan in the History of the Buccaneers: I shall not
undertake to apologize for John Esquemeling, in case he has
misrepresented them. All I shall say is this: that that worthy
person is not the first General or Chief Commander whose
actions have been misconstrued or misunderstood by the
common soldiers, and consequently ill represented by them
at home. Neither is anything in this world more subject to
glosses and false representations than the heroic actions of
great men by their servants or inferiors. If this be the case
of John Esquemeling, and that he was mal-contented with his
fortune at Panama, what is that tome ? What fault was that
of mine? Meanwhile, why have not these persons so zealous
of the honour of Sir Henry Morgan given us the true Journal
of his huge exploits, but rather suffer his famous actions to lie
dormant for so many years in England at the same time that
other nations have published them abroad? And then why
must I be blamed by these persons, his admirers, for doing
for the renown of Sir Henry Morgan what I could, if I could
not do so much as I would willingly have done ?
[THE PUBLISHER].
PARI. 1
CHAPTER I
Captain Coxon, Sawkins, Sharp, and others set forth in a fleet
towards the province of Darien, upon the continent of America.
Their designs to pillage and plunder in those parts. Number
of their ships, and strength of their forces by sea and land
AT a place called Boca del Toro was the general rendezvous
of the fleet, which lately had taken and sacked Porto Bello
the second time—that rich place having been taken once
before, under the conduct of Sir Henry Morgan, as is related
in the History of the Buccaneers. At this place also were
two other vessels, the one belonging to Captain Peter Harris,
and the other to Captain Richard Sawkins ; both Englishmen
and privateers. Here, therefore, a report was made to the
fleet of a peace concluded between the Spaniards and the
Indians of the land of Darien, who for the most part wage
incessant wars against one another. Also, that since the
conclusion of the said peace they had been already tried
and found very faithful unto Captain Bournano, a French
commander, in an attempt on a certain place called Chepo,
near the South Sea. Further, that the Indians had promised
to conduct him to a great and very rich place named Toca-
mora ; upon which he had likewise promised them to return
in three months time with more ships and men. Hereupon
we all agreed to go and visit the said place, and thus dispersed
ourselves into several coves (by the Spaniards called cuévas,
or hollow creeks under the coasts), there to careen and fit
our vessels for that: purpose. In this place, Boca del Toro,
297
298 DHE BEBE EP Sh-ls KORTE
we found plenty of fat tortoises, the pleasantest meat in the
world. When we had refitted our vessels, we met at an island
called by us the Water-key ; and this was then our strength,
as follows :— |
Tons Guns Men
Captain Coxon, ina ship of 80 8 97
Captain Harris 150 25. “107
Captain Bournano 90 6 86
Captain Sawkins 16 I 35
Captain Sharp 25 2 40
Captain Cook 35 O 43
Captain Alleston 18 O 24
Captain Row 20 O 25
Captain Mackett 14 Oo 20
We sailed thence March 23rd, 1679, and in our way touched
at the islands called Samballas. These are certain islands,
reaching eight leagues in extent and lying fourteen leagues
Westward of the river of Darien. Being here at anchor,
many of the Indians, both men and women, came to see us.
Some brought plantains, others other fruits and venison, to
exchange with us for beads, needles, knives, or any trifling
bauble whereof they stand in need. But what they most
chiefly covet are axes and hatchets to fell timber withal.
The men here go almost naked, as having only a sharp and
hollow tip, made either of gold, silver, or bark, into which
they thrust their privy members, which tip they fasten with
a string about their middle. They wear as an ornament in
their noses a golden or silver plate, in shape like a half-moon,
which, when they drink, they hold up with one hand while
they lift the cup with the other. They paint themselves
sometimes with streaks of black; as the women do in like
manner with red. These have in their noses a pretty thick
ring of gold or silver; and for clothing they cover themselves
with a blanket. They are generally well-featured women :
among them I saw several fairer than the fairest of Europe,
with hair like the finest flax. Of these it is reported they can
see far better in the dark than in the light.
These Indians misliked our design for Tocamora, and
dissuaded us from it, asserting it would prove too tedious
a march, and the way so mountainous and uninhabited that
it would be extremely difficult to get provisions for our men.
Withal they proffered to guide us, undescried, within a few
THE SAMBALLAS ISLANDS 299
leagues of the city of Panama, in case we were pleased to go
thither, where we could not choose but ourselves know we
should not fail of making a good voyage. Upon these and
other reasons which they gave us, we concluded to desist
from the journey of Tocamora and to proceed to Panama.
Having taken these resolutions, Captain Bournano’s and
Captain Row’s vessels separated from us, as being all French
and not willing to go to Panama, they declaring themselves
generally against a long march by land. Thus we left them
at the Samballas. Thence an Indian Captain, or Chief Com-
mander, named Andreas, conducted us to another island
called by the English The Golden Island, situated somewhat
to the Westward of the mouth of the great river of Darien.
At this island we met, being in all seven sail, on April 3rd,
1680.
Here at The Golden Island the Indians gave us notice of
a town called Santa Maria, situated on a great river which
bears the same name and which runs into the South Sea by
the Gulf of San Miguel. In the town was kept a garrison of
400 soldiers ; and from this place much gold was carried to
Panama which was gathered from the mountains thereabouts.
In case we should not find sufficient purchase there, we might
thence proceed by sea to Panama, where we could not easily
fail of our designs. This motion of the Indians we liked so
well that we landed 331 men, on April 5th, 1680, leaving
Captains Alleston and Mackett with a party of seamen to
guard our ships in our absence with which we eased to
return home.
The men that were landed had each of them fie or four
cakes of bread (called by the English doughboys?) for their
provision of victuals; and for drink the rivers afforded
enough. At the time of our landing Captain Sharp was
very faint and weak, having had a great fit of sickness lately,
from which he had scarcely recovered. Our several com-
panies that marched were distinguished as follows. First,
1 A nautical term for hard dumplings boiled in sea-water: cf.
Dampier, Voyages (1697), ed. 1729, i, 5, 110: ‘‘ This we served instead
of butter, to eat with the Dough-boys or dumplins.”’ Still in use in the
navy: cf. Pall Mall Budget, 22 Aug., 1887, p. 13, col. 2: ‘‘ Each man
had also a dough-boy made with } Ib. of flour and boiled in the soup.”
The modern use of the word to designate an American private soldier
refers to the shape of the buttons on his tunic.
300 PROVISIONS AND COLOURS
Captain Bartholomew Sharp with his company had a red
flag, with a bunch of white and green ribbons. The second
division, led by Captain Richard Sawkins with his men, had
a red flag striped with yellow. The third and fourth, led by
Captain Peter Harris, had two green flags, his company being
divided into two several divisions. The fifth and sixth, led
by Captain John Coxon, who had some of Alleston’s and
Mackett’s men joined to his, made two divisions or companies,
and had each of them a red flag. The seventh was led by
Captain Edmund Cook, with red colours striped with yellow,
with a hand and sword for his device. All or most of them
were armed with fuzee, pistol, and hanger.
CHAPTER II
They march towards the town of Santa Maria with design to
take it. The Indian King of Darien meets them by the
way. Difficulties of this march, with other occurrences tll
they arrive at the place
BEING landed on the coast of Darien, and divided into com-
panies as was mentioned in the preceding chapter, we began
our march towards Santa Maria, the Indians serving us for
guides in that unknown country. Thus we marched at first
through a small skirt of a wood, and then over a bay almost
a league in length. After that, we went two leagues directly
up a woody valley, where we saw here and there an old
plantation, and had a very good path to march in. There
we came to the side of a river, which in most places was dry,
and built us houses, or rather huts, to lodge in.
Unto this place came to us another Indian, who was a
chief commander and a man of great parts, named Captain
Antonio. This Indian officer encouraged us very much to
undertake the journey to Santa Maria, and promised to be
our leadgr, saying he would go along with us now but that
his child lay very sick. However, he was assured it would
die by the next day, and then he would most certainly follow
and overtake us. Withal he desired we would not lie in the
grass for fear of monstrous adders, which are very frequent
in those places. Breaking some of the stones that lay in the
river, we found them shine with sparks of gold. These stones
are driven down from the neighbouring mountains in time
of floods. This day four of our men tired, and returned to
the ships. So we remained in all 327 men, with 6 Indians to
conduct us. That night some showers of rain fell.
The next day of our march we mounted a very steep hill,
and on the other side at the foot thereof we rested on the
301
302 THIRD DAY’S MARCH
bank of a river, which Captain Andreas told us ran into the
South Sea, being the same river on which the town of Santa
Maria was situated. Hence we continued our march until
noon, and then ascended another mountain very much
higher than the former. Here we ran much danger often-
times and in many places, the mountain being so perpendicular
and the path so narrow that but one man at a time could pass.
We arrived by the dark of the evening to the other side of the
mountain, and lodged again by the side of the same river,
having marched that day, according to our reckoning, about
18 miles. This night likewise some rain fell.
The next morning being April 7th, we marched all along
the river aforementioned, crossing it often, almost at every
half-mile, sometimes up to the knees and at other times up
to the middle in a very swift current. About noon we came
to a place where we found some Indian houses. These were
very large and neat: the sides were built with cabbage-trees,
and the roofs of wild canes thatched with palmetto royal,
but far neater than ours at Jamaica. They had many divisions
into rooms, though no ascent by stairs into chambers. At
this place were four of these houses together, that is, within
a stone’s throw one of another, each of them having a large
plantain-walk before it. At the distance of half-a-mile from
this place lived the King or chief Captain of these Indians
of Darien, who came to visit us in royal robes with his queen
and family. His crown was made of small white reeds, which
were curiously woven, having no other top than its lining,
which was of red silk. Round about the middle of it was
a thin plate of gold, more than two-inches broad, laced
behind—whence did stick two or three ostrich-feathers.
About this plate went also a row of golden beads, which were
bigger than ordinary peas ; underneath which the red lining of
the crown was seen. In his nose he wore a large plate of gold
in the form of a half-moon, and in each ear a great golden
ring, nearly four-inches in diameter, with a round thin plate of
gold of the same breadth, having a small hole in the centre
by which it hung to the ring. He was covered with a thin,
white, cotton robe, reaching to the small of his legs, and round
its bottom a fringe of the same, three-inches deep. So that
by the length of this robe our sight was impeded, that we could
see no higher than his naked ankles. In his hand he had a
a
FOURTH DAY’S MARCH 303
long bright lance, as sharp as any knife. With him he had
three sons, each of them having a white robe, and their lances
in their hands, but standing bareheaded before him ; as also
were eight or nine persons more of his retinue, or guard. His
queen wore a red blanket, which was closely girt about her
waist, and another that came loosely over her head and
shoulders, like our old-fashioned striped hangings. She had
a young child in her arms, and two daughters walked by her,
both marriageable, with their faces almost covered with stripes
or streaks of red, and almost laden about their neck and arms
with small beads of several colours. These Indian women of
the province of Darien are generally very free, airy, and
brisk, yet withal very modest, and cautious in their husbands’
presence, of whose jealousy they stand in fear. With these
Indians we made an exchange, or had a truck as it is called,
for knives, pins, needles, or any other such like trifles ; but
in our dealing with them we found them to be very cunning.
Here we rested ourselves for the space of one day, and withal
chose Captain Sawkins to lead the Forlorn, to whom, for that
purpose, we gave the choice of four-score men. The King
ordered us each man to have three plantains, with sugar-
canes to suck, by way of a present. But, when these were
consumed, if we could not truck we must have starved, for
the king himself did not refuse to deal for his plantains.
This sort of fruit is first reduced to mash, then laid between
leaves of the same tree, and so used with water ; after which
preparation they call it miscelaw.
On April 9th we continued our march along the banks of
the river above-mentioned, finding on our way here and there
a house. The owners of the said houses would most com-
monly stand at the door, and give, as we passed by, to every
one of us either a ripe plantain or some sweet cassava-root.
Some of them would count us by dropping a grain of corn
for each man that passed before them, for they know no
greater number, nor can count no farther, than twenty.
That night we arrived at three great Indian houses, where
we took up our lodgings, the weather being clear and serene
all night.
The next day Captain Sharp, Captain Coxon, and Captain
Cook, with about threescore-and-ten of our men, embarked
themselves in fourteen canoes upon the river, to glide down
304 SIXTH DAY’S MARCH
the stream. Among this number I also embarked, and we
had in our company our Indian Captain Andreas, of whom
mention was made above, and two Indians more in each
canoe, to pilot or guide us down the river. But, if we had been
tired whilst travelling by land before, certainly we were
in a worse condition now in our canoes. For at the distance
of almost every stone’s cast we were constrained to quit
and get out of our boats, and haul them over either sands or
rocks, and at other times over trees that lay across and filled
up the river so that they hindered our navigation; yea,
several times over the very points of land itself. That very
night we built ourselves huts for shelter upon the riverside,
and rested our wearied limbs until next morning.
This being come, we prosecuted our journey all day long
with the same fatigue and toil as we had done the day before.
At night came a tiger and looked on us for some while, but
we did not dare to fire at the animal, fearing we should be
descried by the sound of our fuzees—the Spaniards, as we
were told, not being at any great distance from that place.
But the next day, which was April 12th, our pain and
labour was rather doubled than diminished—not only for the
difficulties of the way, which were intolerable, but chiefly
for the absence of our main body of men, from whom we had
parted the day before. For now, hearing no news of them,
we grew extremely jealous of the Indians and their councils,
suspecting a design of those people thus to divide our forces
and then, by cutting us off, to betray us to the Spaniards, our
implacable enemies. That night we rested ourselves by
building huts, as we had done and as has been mentioned
before.
On Tuesday morning, the next ensuing day, we continued
our navigation down the river, and arrived at a beachy
point of land, at which place another arm joins the same
river. Here, as we understood, the Indians of Darien did
usually rendezvous whensoever they drew up in a body with
intention to fight their ancient enemies, the Spaniards. Here
also we made a halt, or waited for the rest of our forces and
company, the Indians having now sent to seek them, as being
themselves not a little concerned at our dissatisfaction and
jealousies. In the afternoon our companions came up with
us, and were hugely glad to see us, they having been in no
EIGHTH DAY’S MARCH 305
less fear for us than we had been at the same time for them.
We remained and rested there that night also, with design
to fit our arms for action, which now, as we were told, was
near at hand.
We departed thence early the next morning, which was
the last day of our march, having in all now the number of
threescore-and-eight canoes, wherein were embarked 327 of
us Englishmen, and 50 Indians, who served us for guides.
To the point above-mentioned the Indians had hitherto
guided our canoes with long poles or sticks; but now we
made ourselves oars and paddles to row with, thus to make
what speed we could. Thus we rowed with all haste imagin-
able, and upon the river we happened to meet two or three
Indian canoes that were laden with plantains. About mid-
night we arrived and landed at the distance of half-a-mile
more or less from the town of Santa Maria, whither our march
was all along intended. The place where we landed was
deeply muddy, insomuch that we were constrained to lay
our paddles on the mud to wade upon, and withal lift our-
selves up by the boughs of the trees to support our bodies
from sinking. Afterwards we were forced to cut our way
through the woods for some space, where we took up our
lodgings for that night, for fear of being discovered by the
enemy, to whom we were so near.
CHAPTER III
They take the town of Santa Maria with no loss of men, and but
small booty of what they fought for. Description of the
place, country, and river adjacent. They resolve to go and
plunder for the second time the city of Panama
THE next morning, which was Thursday, April 15th, about
break of day, we heard from the town a small arm discharged,
and after that a drum beating 4 ¢vavailler. With this we were
roused from our sleep, and, taking up our arms, we put our- .
selves in order and marched towards the town. As soon as
we came out of the woods into the open ground, we were
descried by the Spaniards, who had received intelligence
beforehand of our coming, and were prepared to receive us,
having already conveyed away all their treasure of gold and
sent it to Panama. They ran immediately into a large
palisaded fort, having each pale or post twelve-foot high, and
began to fire very briskly at us as we came. But our vanguard
ran up to the place, and, pulling down two or three of their
palisades, entered the fort incontinently, and made themselves
masters thereof. In this action not fifty of our men had come
up before the fort was taken, and on our side only two were
wounded, and not one killed. Notwithstanding, within the
place were found two hundred and three-score men, besides
which number two-hundred others were said to be absent,
having gone up into the country to the mines to fetch down
gold, or rather to convey away what was already in the town.
This golden treasure comes down another branch of this
river to Santa Maria from the neighbouring mountains, where
are thought to be the richest mines of the Indies, or at least
of all these parts of the Western world. Of the Spaniards we
killed in the assault 26, and wounded to the number of 16
more. But their governor, their priest, and all or most of
their chief men made their escape by flight.
306
REDEMPTION OF KING’S DAUGHTER 307
Having taken the fort, we expected to find here a consider-
able town belonging to it. But it proved to be only some
wild houses made of cane, the place being chiefly a garrison
designed to keep in subjection the Indians, who bear a mortal
hatred towards, and are often apt to rebel against, the
Spaniards. But, bad as the place was, our fortune was much
worse. For we came only three days too late to meet, with
three-hundred-weight of gold, which was carried thence to
Panama in a bark that is sent thence twice or thrice every
year to fetch the gold brought to Santa Maria from the
mountains. This river, called by the name of the town, is
hereabouts twice as broad as the river Thames at London,
and flows above three-score miles upwards, rising to the
height of two-fathom-and-a-half at the town itself. As soon
as we had taken the place, the Indians who belonged to our
company and had served us for guides came up to the town.
For whilst they heard the noise of the guns they were in
great consternation and dared not approach the palisades,
but hid themselves closely in a small hollow, so that the
bullets, while we were fighting, flew over their heads.
Here we found and redeemed the eldest daughter of the
King of Darien, of whom we made mention above. She had,
as it should seem, been forced away from her father’s house
by one of the garrison (which rape had hugely incensed him
against the Spaniards), and was with child by him. After
the fight the Indians destroyed as many of the Spaniards as
we had done in the assault, by taking them into the adjoining
woods and there stabbing them to death with their lances.
But, so soon as we learnt of this barbarous cruelty, we
hindered them from taking any more out of the fort, where
we confined them every one prisoners. Captain Sawkins,
with a small party of ten more, put himself into a canoe and
went down the river, to pursue and stop, if it were possible,
those that had escaped, for they were the chief people of the
town and garrison. But now, our great expectations of taking
a huge booty of gold at this place being totally vanished, we
were unwilling to have come so far for nothing, or to go back
empty-handed, especially considering what vast riches were
to be had at no great distance. Hereupon we resolved to go
to Panama, [in] which place, if we could take [it], we were
assured we should get treasure enough to satisfy our hungry
308 CAPTURE OF SANTA MARIA
appetite for gold and riches, that city being the receptacle
of all the plate, jewels, and gold that is dug out of the mines
of all Potosi and Peru. Unto this effect, therefore, and to
please the humours of some of our company, we made choice
of Captain Coxon as our General or Commander-in-chief.
Before our departure we sent back what small booty we had
taken here by some prisoners under the charge of twelve of
our men, to convey it to the ships.
Thus we prepared to go forward on that dangerous enter-
prise of Panama. But the Indians who had conducted us
having got from us what knives, scissors, axes, needles, and
beads they could, would not stay any longer, but all, or the
greater part of them, returned to their home. Which not-
withstanding, the king himself, Captain Andreas, Captain
Antonio, the king’s son, called by the Spaniards Bonéte de
Oro, or King Golden-Cap, as also his kinsman, would not be
persuaded by their falling off to leave us, but resolved to go
to Panama, out of the desire they had to see that place taken
and sacked. Yea, the king promised, if there should be
occasion, to join 50,000 men to our forces. Besides which
promises, we had also another very considerable encourage-
ment to undertake this journey. For the Spaniard who had
forced away the king’s daughter, as was mentioned above,
fearing lest we should leave him to the mercy of the Indians,
who would have but little mercy on him, having shown
themselves so cruel to the rest of his companions, for the safety
of his life had promised to lead us not only into the town but
even to the very bedchamber door of the governor of Panama,
and, that we should take him by the hand and seize both him
and the whole city before we should be discovered by the
Spaniards, either before or after our arrival.
CHAPTER IV
The Buccaneers leave the town of Santa Maria, and proceed by
sea to take Panama, Extreme difficulties, with sundry acct-
dents and dangers of that voyage
HAVING been in possession of the town of Santa Maria only
the space of two days, we departed thence on Saturday,
April 17th, 1680. We all embarked in 35 canoes and a peri-
agua’, which we had taken here lying at anchor before the
town. Thus we sailed, or rather rowed, down the river in quest
of the South Sea, upon which Panama is seated, towards the
Gulf of Ballona, whereat we were to disembogue? into that
ocean. Our prisoners, the Spaniards, begged very earnestly
that they might be permitted to go with us and not be left
to the mercy of the Indians, who would show them no favour
and whose cruelty they so much feared. But we had much
ado to find a sufficient number of boats for ourselves, the
Indians that left us having taken with them, either by consent
or stealth, so many canoes. Yet, notwithstanding this, they
found soon after either bark logs, or old canoes, and by that
means shifted so well for their lives as to come along with us.
Before our departure we burnt both the fort, the church, and
the town, which was done at the request of the King, he being
extremely incensed against it.
Among these canoes it was my misfortune to have one that
was very heavy, and consequently sluggish. By this means
we were left behind the rest a little way, there being only four
1 A corruption of Span. piragua, a West-Indian canoe, a pirogue :
cf. “‘. . . six peryagoes, which are huge great trees formed as your
canowes, yut so laid out on the sides with boords, they will seeme like
a little gally.’’ Capt. John Smith, Works [1629] (edn. 1884, p. 901).
2 Discharge from the mouth—from Span. desembocar. Cf. Beaumont
and Fletcher, Knight of Malta [c. 1626], i, 3: ‘‘ My ships ride in the
bay ready to disembogue.”’
399
310 BUCCANEERS LEAVE SANTA MARIA
men besides myself that were embarked therein. As the tide
fell, it left several shoals of sand naked, and hence, we not
knowing of the true channel amongst such a variety of streams,
happened to steer within a shoal for above two miles before
we perceived our error. Hereupon we were forced to lay by
until high water came, for to row in such heavy boats against
the tide is totally impossible. As soon as the tide began
to turn, we rowed away in prosecution of our voyage, and
withal made what haste we could; but all our endeavours
were in vain, for we could neither find nor overtake our com-
panions. Thus at about ten o’clock at night, the tide being
low, we stuck up an oar in the river, and slept by turns in
our canoe, several showers of rain falling all the night long
- which pierced us to the skin.
But, the next morning, no sooner had day come than we
rowed away down the river as before, in pursuit of our people.
Having gone about the space of two leagues, we were so
fortunate as to overtake them. For they had lain that night
at an Indian hut, or embarcadero, that is to say landing place,
and had been taking in water till then. Being arrived at the
place, they told us that we must not omit to fill our jars
there with water, otherwise we should meet with none in the
space of six days’ time. Hereupon we went every one of us
the distance of a quarter-of-a-mile from the embarcadero to
a little pond to fill our water in calabashes, making what haste
we could back to our canoe. But, when we retuined, we
found not one of our men, they all being departed and already
got out of sight. Such is the procedure of these wild men
that they care not in the least whom they lose of their com-
pany or leave behind. We were now more troubled in our
minds than before, fearing lest we should fall into the same
misfortune we had so lately overcome.
Hereupon we rowed after them as fast as we possibly could,
but all in vain. For here are found such huge numbers of
islands, greater and lesser, as also quays about the mouth of
the river, that it was not difficult for us, who were un-
acquainted with the river, to lose ourselves a second time
amongst them. Yet notwithstanding, though with much
trouble and toil, we found at last that mouth of the river
that is called by the Spaniards Boca Chica, or The Little
Mouth. But, as it happened, it was now young flood, and the
A TEDIOUS NIGHT 311
stream ran very violently against us ; so that, though we were
not above a stone’s cast from the said mouth, and this was
within a league broad, yet we could not by any means come
near it. Hence we were forced to put ashore, which we did
accordingly, until high-water. We hauled our canoe close
by the bushes, and, when we got out, we fastened our rope
to a tree, which the tide had almost covered, for it flows
here nearly four-fathom deep.
As soon as the tide began to turn, we rowed away from
there to an island, distant about a league and a half from the
mouth of the river, in the Gulf of San Miguel. Here in the
gulf it went very hard with us whensoever any wave dashed
against the sides of our canoe, for it was nearly twenty-feet
in length and yet not quite one-foot-and-a-half in breadth
where it was at the broadest, so that we had only just room
enough to sit down in her, and a little water would easily have
both filled and overwhelmed us. At the island aforesaid we
took up our resting-place for that night, though it was, from
the loss of our company and the great dangers we were in,
the sorrowfullest night that until then I had ever experienced:
in my whole life. For it rained impetuously all night long,
insomuch that we were wet from head to foot and had not
one dry thread about us; neither, through the violence of
the rain, were we able to keep any fire burning wherewith
to warm or dry ourselves. The tide ebbs here a good half-
mile from the mark of high-water, and leaves bare wonderfully
high and sharp-pointed rocks. We passed this heavy and
tedious night without one minute of sleep, being all very
sorrowful to see ourselves so far and remote from the rest of
our companions, as also totally destitute of all human com-
fort ; for a vast sea surrounded us on one side and the mighty
power of our enemies, the Spaniards, on the other. Neither
. could we descry at any hand the least thing to relieve us, all
that we could see being the wide sea, high mountains, and
rocks; while we ourselves were confined to an egg-shell,
instead of a boat, without so much as a few clothes to defend
us from the injuries of the weather. For at that time none of
us had a shoe to our feet. We searched the whole quay to
see if we could find any water, but found none.
CHAPTER V
Shipwreck of Mr Ringrose, the author of this narrative. He
is taken by the Spaniards, and miraculously by them pre-
served. Several other accidents and disasters which befell
him after the loss of his companions tall he found them again.
Description of the Gulf of Vallona
On Monday, April 19th, at break of day, we hauled our
canoe into the water again, and departed from the island
aforementioned : wet and cold as we were, we rowed away
towards the Punta de San Lorenzo, or Point St Lawrence.
In our way we met with several islands which lie straggling
thereabouts. But now we were again so hard put to it by
the smallness of our vessel and being in an open sea, that it had
become the work of one man, yea sometimes of two, to cast
out the water, which came in on all sides of our canoe. After
struggling for some time with these difficulties, as we came
near one of those islands a heavy sea overturned our boat,
by which means we were all forced to swim for our lives. But
we soon got to the shore, and to the same place our canoe
came tumbling after us. Our arms were very fast lashed
to the inside of the boat, and our locks were as well cased
and waxed down as was possible ; so were also our cartouche-
boxes and powder-horns. But all our bread and fresh water
was utterly spoilt and lost.
Our canoe being tumbled on shore by the force of the waves,
our first business was to take out and clear our arms. This
we had scarcely done when we saw another canoe fall into the
same misfortune at a little distance to leeward of us, amongst
a great number of rocks that bounded the island. The
persons that were cast away proved to be six Spaniards of
the garrison of Santa Maria, who had found an old canoe
and had followed us to escape the cruelty of the Indians.
312
SHIPWRECK OF MR RINGROSE § 313
They presently came to us, and made us a fire ; which being
done, we got our meat and broiled it on the coals, and all
of us ate amicably together. But we stood in great need of
water, or other drink to our victuals, not knowing in the
least where to get any. Our canoe was thrown up by the
waves to the edge of the water, and there was no great fear
of its splitting, being full six inches in thickness, on the sides
thereof. But that in which the Spaniards came split itself
against the rocks, being old and slender, into an hundred
pieces. Though we were thus shipwrecked and driven ashore,
as I have related, yet otherwise and at other times is this
Gulf of San Miguel a mere mill-pond for smoothness of water.
My company was now altogether for returning and pro-
ceeding no farther, but rather for living amongst the Indians,
in case we could not reach the ships we had left behind us
in the Northern Sea. But with much ado I prevailed with
them to go forward at least one day longer, and, in case we
found not our people the next day, that then I would be willing
to do anything which they should think fit. Thus we spent
two or three hours of the day in consulting about our affairs,
and withal keeping a man to watch and look out on all sides
for fear of any surprisal by the Indians or other enemies.
About the time that we were come toa conclusion in our debates,
our watchman by chance spied an Indian, who, as soon as
he saw us, ran into the woods. I sent immediately two of
my company after him, who overtook him, and found that he
was one of our friendly Indians. Thus he led them to a place
not far distant where seven more of his company were with
a great canoe which they had brought with them. They came
to the place where I was with the rest of my company, and
seemed to be glad to meet us on that island. I asked them by
signs for the main body of our company, and they gave me
to understand that if we would go with them in their canoe,
which was much bigger than ours, we should be up with the
party by the next morning. This news, as may easily be
supposed, not a little rejoiced our hearts.
Presently, after this friendly invitation, they asked who
the other six men were whom they saw in our company, for
they easily perceived us not to be all of one and the same coat
and lingua. We told them they were ‘ Wankers’, which is
the name they commonly give to the Spaniards in their own
314. SHIPWRECK OF MR RINGROSE
language. Their next question was, if they should kill those
Spaniards ; but I answered them: No, by no means ; I would
not consent to have it done. With which answer they seemed
to be satisfied for the present. But, a little while after, my
back being turned, my company thinking that they should
thereby oblige the Indians, beckoned to them to kill the
Spaniards. With this the poor creatures, perceiving the
danger that threatened them, made a sad shriek and outcry,
and I came in time to save all their lives. But withal I was
forced to give way and consent that they should have one
of them for to make their slave. Hereupon I gave the canoe
that I came in to the five Spaniards remaining, and bid them
get away and shift for their lives, lest those cruel Indians
should not keep their word, and they should run the same
danger again they had so lately escaped. Having sent them
away whilst I rested myself here, I took a survey of this
gulf and the mouth of the river, which I finished the same
day, and do here present to the view of the reader.
But now, thanks be to God, joining company with those
Indians, we got intoa very large canoe, which for its bigness
was better able to carry twenty men than our own that we had
brought to carry five. The Indians had also fitted a very
good sail to the said canoe, so that, having now a fresh and
strong gale of wind, we set sail thence, and made therewith
brave way, to the infinite joy and comfort of our hearts,
seeing ourselves so well accommodated and so happily rid
of the miseries we but lately had endured. We had now a
smooth and easy passage after such tedious and laboursome
pains as we had sustained in coming so far since we left Santa
Maria. Under the point of St Lawrence, mentioned above,
is a very great rippling of the sea, occasioned by a strong
current which runs hereabouts, and which often almost filled
our boat with its dashes as we sailed. This evening, after
our departure from the island where we were cast away, it
rained vehemently for several hours, and the night proved
to be very dark. About nine o’clock that night we descried
two fires on the shore of the continent over against us. These
fires were no sooner perceived by the Indians of our canoe
than they began to shout for joy and cry out, Caplain Antonio,
Captain Andreas, the names of their Indian Captains and
leaders ; and to affirm they were assured those fires were made
CAPTURED BY SPANIARDS 3315
by their companions. Hence they made for the shore towards
those fires as fast as they could drive. But, so soon as our
canoe came among the breakers nigh the shore, out came
from the woods about three-score Spaniards with clubs and
other arms, and, laying hold of our canoe on both sides thereof,
hauled it out of the water quite dry; so that by this means
we were all suddenly taken and made their prisoners. I
laid hold of my gun, thinking to make some defence for my-
self ; but all was in vain, for they suddenly seized me between
Perr
four or five of them and hindered me from action. Meanwhile
our Indians leaped overboard, and got away very nimbly
into the woods, my companions standing amazed at what
had happened and the manner of our surprisal. I asked
them presently if any of them could speak either French or
English ; but they answered: No. MHereupon, as well as
I could I discoursed to some of them, who were more intelli-
gent than the rest, in Latin, and by degrees came to under-
stand their condition. These were Spaniards who had been
2160) DRY ARE (CIVIL EY “TREATED
turned ashore here by our English party, who left them upon
this coast lest by carrying them nearer to Panama any of
them should make their escape and discover our march:
towards that city. They had me, presently after I was taken,
into a small hut which they had built, covered with boughs,
and made there great shouts for joy, because they had taken
us, designing in their minds to use us very severely for coming
into those parts, and especially for taking and plundering
their town of Santa Maria. But, while the captain of those
Spaniards was examining me, in came the poor Spaniard that
was come along with us, and reported how kind I had been
to him and the rest of his companions, by saving their lives
from the cruelty of the Indians.
The captain, having heard him, arose from his seat immedi-
ately and embraced me, saying that we Englishmen were very
friendly enemies and good people, but that the Indians were
very rogues and a treacherous nation. Withal he desired me
to sit down by him, and to eat part of such victuals as our
companions had left them when they were turned ashore.
Then he told me that for the kindness I had showed to his
countrymen he gave us all our lives and liberties, which other-
wise he would certainly have taken from us. And, though
he could scarcely be persuaded in his mind to spare the Indians’
lives, yet for my sake he pardoned them all, and I should have
them with me in case I could find them. Thus he bid me like-
wise take my canoe, and go in God’s name, saying withal he
wished us as fortunate as we were generous. Hereupon I took
my leave of him, after some little stay, though he invited me
to tarry all night with him. I searched out, and at last found,
my Indians, who for fear had hid themselves in the bushes
adjoining to the neighbouring woods where they lay concealed.
Having found them, the Captain led me very civilly down to
the canoe, bidding my companions and the Indians get in
after me: as they at first hauled us ashore, so now again they
pushed us off to sea, by a sudden and strange vicissitude of
fortune. All that night it rained very hard, as was men-
tioned above ; neither durst we put ashore any more at any
place, it being all along such as by mariners is commonly called
an “‘ iron coast ’’.
The next morning being come, we sailed, and paddled, or
rowed, till about ten o’clock. At which time we espied a
THEY REJOIN THEIR COMPANY 317
canoe making towards us with all speed imaginable. Being
come up with us, and in view, it proved to be of our own
English Company, who, mistaking our canoe for a Spanish
periagua, was coming in all haste to attack us. We were
infinitely glad to meet them, and they presently conducted
us to the rest of our company, who were at that instant
coming from a deep bay which lay behind a high point of
rocks, where they had lain at anchor all that night and
morning. We were all mutually rejoiced to see one another
again, they having given both me and my companions up
for lost.
CHAPTER VI
The Buccaneers prosecute their voyage, till they come within
sight of Panama. They take several barks and prisoners
by the way. Ave descried by the Spaniards before their
arrival. They order the Indians to kill the prisoners
Irom the place where we rejoined our -English forces we all
made our way towards a high hummock of land, as it appeared
at a distance, but was nothing else than an island seven leagues
distant from the bay aforementioned. On the highest part
of this island the Spaniards keep a watch or ‘look-out’
(for so it is termed by the seamen) for fear of pirates or other
enemies. That evening we arrived at the island, and, being
landed, went up a very steep place till we came to a little
hut where the watchman lodged. We took by surprizal the
old man who watched in the place but happened not to see
us till we were got into his plantain walk before the lodge.
He told us in his examination that we were not as yet descried
by the Spaniards of Panama or any others that he knew,
which relation of the old fellow much encouraged us to go
forwards with our design of surprising that rich city. This
place, if I took its name rightly, is called Farol de Plantanos,
or, in English, Plantain-Watch.
Here, not long before it was dark that evening, a certain
bark came to an anchor at the outward side of the island
which instantly was descried by us. Hereupon we speedily
manned out two canoes, who went under the shore and
surprised the said boat. Having examined the persons that
were on board, we found she had been absent the space of
eight days from Panama, and had landed soldiers at a point
of land not far distant from this island, with intention to fight
and curb certain Indians and negroes who had done much hurt
in the country thereabouts. The bark being taken, most of
318
or re
oe — a
VOYAGE TO PANAMA CONTINUED 319
our men endeavoured to get into her, but more especially
those who had the lesser canoes. Thus there embarked
thereon to the number of 137 of our company, together with
that sea-artist and valiant commander, Captain Bartholomew
Sharp. With him went also on board Captain Cook, whom
we mentioned at the beginning of this history. The remaining
part of that night we lay at the quay of the said island,
expecting to prosecute our voyage the next day.
Morning being come, I changed my canoe and embarked
myself on another, which, though it was something lesser
than the former, yet was furnished with better company.
Departing from the island, we rowed all day long over shoal-
water, at the distance of about a league from land, having
sometimes not above four-foot water and white ground.
In the afternoon we descried a bark at sea, and instantly
gave her chase. But the canoe wherein was Captain Harris
happened to come up the first with her, who, after a sharp
dispute, took her. Being taken, we put on board the said
bark 30 men. But the wind would not suffer the other bark,
in chasing, to come up with us. This pursuit of the vessel
did so far hinder us in our voyage, and divide us asunder,
that, night soon coming on, we lost one another and could
no longer keep in a body together. Hereupon we laid our
canoe ashore, to take up our rest for that night at the distance
of two miles, more or less, from high-water mark, and about
four leagues to leeward of the island of Chepillo, to which
place our course was then directed.
The next morning, as soon as the water began to float us,
we rowed away for the forementioned island Chepillo, where
by assignation our general rendezvous was to be. On our
way as we went, we spied another bark under sail, as we had
done the day before. Captain Coxon’s canoe was now the
first that came up with this vessel. But, a young breeze
freshening at that instant, she got away from him after the
first onset, killing in the said canoe one Mr Bull and wounding
two others. We presently conjectured that this bark would
get before us to Panama, and give intelligence of our coming
to those of the town; all which happened as we had fore-
seen. It was two o’clock in the afternoon before all our
canoes could come together and join one another, as it was
assigned at Chepillo. We took at that island fourteen prisoners,
320 Tih PRISONERS ESCAPE
between negroes and mulattos ; also great store of plantains
and good water, together with two fat hogs. But now, be-
lieving that ere this we had been already descried at Panama
by the bark aforementioned, we resolved among ourselves
to waste no time, but to hasten away from the said island,
to the intent we might at least be able to surprise and take
their shipping, and by that means make ourselves masters of
those seas, in case we could not get the town which now we
judged almost impossible to be done. At Chepillo we took
also a periagua which we found at anchor before the island,
and presently we put some men on board her. Our stay
here was only of few hours, so that about four o’clock in the
evening, which now was coming on, we rowed away, designing
to reach Panama before the next morning, to which place we
had now only seven leagues to go, it being no farther distant
from Chepillo. But, before we departed from the said island,
it was judged convenient by our Commanders, for certain
reasons which I could not dive into, to rid their hands of.the
prisoners which we had taken. And hereupon orders were
given unto our Indians, who they knew would perform them
very willingly, to fight, or rather to murder and slay, the said
prisoners upon the shore, and that in view of the whole fleet.
This they instantly went about to do, being glad of this
opportunity to revenge their hatred against their enemies,
though in cold blood. But the prisoners, although they had
no arms wherewith to defend themselves, forced their way
through those barbarous Indians, in spite of their lances,
bows, and arrows, and got into the woods of the island, only
one man of them being killed. We rowed all night long,
though many showers of rain ceased not to fall.
— ae
CHAPTER VII
They arrive within sight of Panama. Are encountered by three
small men-of-war. They fight them with only 68 men, and
utterly defeat them, taking two of the said vessels. Description
of that bloody fight. They take several ships at the isle of
Perico before Panama
THE next morning, which was on April 23rd, 1680, that day
being dedicated to St George, our Patron of England, we
came before sunrise within view of the city of Panama, which
makes a pleasant show to the vessels that are at sea from
off the shore. Soon after we saw also the ships belonging
to the said city which lay at anchor at an island called Perico,
distant only two leagues from Panama. On the aforesaid
island are to be seen several storehouses which are built
there, to receive the goods delivered out of the ships. At
that present there rode at anchor at Perico five great ships
and three pretty big barks, called Barcos de la Armadilla,
or little men-of-war ; the word Armadiila signifying a Little
Fleet. These had been suddenly manned with design to fight
us, and prevent any further attempts we should make upon
the city or coasts of those seas. As soon as they spied us,
they instantly weighed anchor and got under sail, coming
directly to meet us whom they expected very shortly, accord-
ing to the intelligence they had received of our coming. Our
two periaguas being heavy could not row so fast as we that
were in the canoes, and hence we were got pretty far before
them. In our five canoes (for so many we were now in com-
pany) we had only 36 men, in a very unfit condition to fight,
being tired with so much rowing, and so few in number in
comparison with the enemy that came against us. They sailed
towards us directly before the wind, insomuch that we feared
lest they should run us down before it. Hereupon we rowed
Y 321
322 THE ENGAGEMENT
up into the wind’s eye, as the seamen term it, and got close
to windward of them. While we were doing this, our lesser
periaguas, in which were 32 or more of our company, came
up with us. So that we were in all 68 men that were engaged
in the fight of that day, the King himself, who was in the
periagua aforementioned, being one of our number. In the
vessel that was admiral of these three small men-of-war were
fourscore and six Biscayners, who have the repute of being
the best mariners and also the best soldiers amongst the
Spaniards. These were all volunteers, who came designedly
to show their valour, under the command of Don Jacinto de
Barahona, who was High Admiral of those seas. In the
second were 77 negroes, who were commanded by an old and
stout Spaniard, a native of Andalusia in Spain, named Don
Francisco de Peralta. In the third and last were 65 mestizos
or mulattos or tawnymores, commanded by Don Diego de
Carabaxal. So that in all they made the number of 228 men.
The Commanders had strict orders given them, and their
resolution was to give quarter to none of the Pirates or
Buccaneers. But such bloody commands as these seldom
or never do happen to prosper.
The canoe of Captain Sawkins, and also that wherein I
was, were much to leeward of the rest ; so that the ship of
Don Diego de Carabaxal came between us two, and fired
presently on me to windward, and on him to leeward, wound-
ing with these broadsides four men in his canoe and one in
that I was in; but he paid so dear for his passage between
us that he was not very quick in coming about again and
making the same way. For we killed with our first volley
of shot several of his men upon the decks. Thus we also
got to windward, as the rest were before. At this time the
Admiral of the Avmadilla, or Little Fleet, came up with us
suddenly, scarce giving us time to charge, and thinking to
pass by us all with as little or less damage as the first of his
ships had done. But, as it happened, it fell out much worse
with him, for we were so fortunate as to kill the man at the
helm, so that his ship ran into the wind, and her sails lay
a-back, as is usually said in marinery. By this means we had
time to come all up under his stern, and, firing continually
into his vessel, we killed as many as came to the helm, besides
which slaughter we cut asunder his main sheet and brace with
THE ENGAGEMENT 323
our shot. At this time the third vessel, in which Captain
Peralta was, was coming up to the aid of their general. Here-
- upon Captain Sawkins, who had changed his canoe and was
gone into the periagua, left the Admiral to us four canoes (for
his own was quite disabled) and met the said Peralta. Between
him and Captain Sawkins the dispute, or fight, was very hot,
lying board on board together, and both giving and receiving
death unto each other as fast as they could charge. While
we were thus engaged, the first ship tacked about, and came
up to relieve the Admiral. But we, perceiving that and fore-
seeing how hard it would go with us if we should be beaten
from the Admiral’s stern, determined to prevent his design.
Hereupon two of our canoes, to wit Captain Springer’s and
my own, stood off to meet him. He made up directly towards
the Admiral, who stood upon the quarter-deck waving to
him with a handkerchief so to do. But we engaged him so
closely in the middle of his way, that had he not given us the
helm and made away from us, we had certainly been on board
him. We killed so many of them that the vessel had scarce
men enough left alive or unwounded to carry her off. Yet,
the wind now blowing fresh, they made shift to get away
from us, and hereby saved their lives.
The vessel which was to relieve the Admiral being thus
put to flight, we came about again upon the Admiral, and all
together gave a loud halloo, which was answered by our
men in the ferzagua, though at a distance from us. At that
time we came so close under the stern of the Admiral that we
wedged up the rudder; and withal killed both the Admiral
himself and the chief pilot of his ship, so that now they were
almost quite disabled and disheartened likewise, seeing what
a bloody massacre we had made among them with our shot.
Hereupon, two-thirds of their men being killed and many
others wounded, they cried for quarter, which had several
times been offered unto them and as stoutly denied until
then. Captain Coxon entered on board the Admiral, and took
with him Captain Harris, who had been shot through both
his legs, as he boldly adventured up along the side of the ship.
This vessel being thus taken, we put on board her also all the
rest of our wounded men, and instantly manned two of our
canoes to go and aid Captain Sawkins, who now had been
three times beaten from on board by Peralta, such valiant
324 THE SPANIARDS DEFEATED
defence had he made. And indeed, to give our enemies
their due, no men in the world did ever act more bravely
than these Spaniards.
Thus coming up close under Peralta’s sede we gave him a
full volley of shot, and expected to have the like return from
him again, but on a sudden we saw his men blown up that
were abaft the mast—some of them falling on the deck,
and others into the sea. This disaster was no sooner perceived
by their valiant Captain Peralta than he leaped overboard,
and, in spite of all our shot, got several of them into the ship
again, though he was much burnt in both his hands himself.
But, as one misfortune seldom comes alone, whilst he was
recovering these men to reinforce his ship withal and renew
the fight, another jar of powder took fire forward, and bléw up
several others upon the forecastle. Among this smoke, and
under cover thereof, Captain Sawkins laid them on board
and took the ship. Soon after they were taken, I went on
board Captain Peralta, to see what condition they were in,
and indeed such a miserable sight I never saw in my life,
for not one man there was found but was either killed, desper-
ately wounded, or horribly burnt with powder, insomuch
that their black skins were turned white in several places,
the powder having torn it from their flesh and bones. Having
compassionated their misery, I went afterwards on board the
Admiral, to observe likewise the condition of his ship and
men. Here I saw what did much astonish me, and will scarcely
be believed by others than ourselves who saw it. There were
found on board this ship but 25 men alive, whose number
before the fight had been four-score-and-six, as was said
above. So that three-score-and-one, out of so small a number,
were destroyed in the battle. But, what is more, of these
25 men only eight were able to bear arms, all the rest being
desperately wounded, and by their wounds totally disabled
to make any resistance or defend themselves. Their blood
ran down the decks in whole streams, and scarce one place in
the ship was found that was free from blood.
Having possessed ourselves of these two Armadilla vessels,
or little men-of-war, Captain Sawkins asked the prisoners
how many men there might be on board the greatest ship
that we could see, lying in the harbour of the island of Perico
above-mentioned, as also in the others that were something
=
aor ates te, > Wack Alecia
THE ARMADILLA, OR LITTLE FLEET 325
smaller. Captain Peralta, hearing these questions, dissuaded
him as much as he could from attempting them, saying that
in the biggest alone there were 350 men, and that he would
find the rest too well provided for defence against his small
number. But one of his men, who lay a-dying upon the deck,
contradicted him as he was speaking, and told Captain
Sawkins there was not one man on board any of those ships
that were in view; for they had all been taken out of them
to fight us in these three vessels called the Armadilla, or Little
Fleet. Unto this relation we gave credit, as proceeding from
a dying man; and, steering our course to the island, we
went on board them, and found, as he had said, not one person
there. The biggest ship of these, which was called La Santis-
sima Trinidad, or The Blessed Trinity, they had set on fire,
made a hole in her, and loosened her foresail ; but we quenched
the fire with all speed, and stopped the leak. This being done,
we put our wounded men ‘on board her, and thus constituted
her for the time being our hospital.
Having surveyed our own loss and damages, we found
that 18 of our men had been killed in the fight, and 22 were
wounded. These three Captains against whom we fought
were esteemed by the Spaniards to be the valiantest in all
the South Seas. Neither was this reputation undeservedly
conferred upon them, as may easily be inferred from the
relation we have given of this bloody engagement. As the
third ship was running away from the fight, she met with
two more that were coming out to their assistance, but gave
them so little encouragement that they returned back and
dared not engage us. We began the fight about half-an-hour
after sunrise, and by noon had finished the battle and quite
overcome them. Captain Peralta, while he was our prisoner,
would often break out in admiration of our valour, and say :
Surely we Englishmen were the valiantest men in the whole
world, who designed always to fight open, whilst all other nations
invented all the ways imaginable to barricade themselves, and
fight as close as they could. And yet, notwithstanding, we
killed more of our enemies than they of us.
Two days after our engagement, we buried Captain Peter
Harris, a brave and stout soldier and a valiant Englishman,
born in the county of Kent; whose death we very much
lamented. He died of.the wounds he received in the battle,
99:67 “BURIAL, ON CAPTAIN TIARRIS
and besides him only one man more: all the rest of our
wounded men recovered. Being now come before Panama,
I here inquired of Don Francisco de Peralta, our prisoner,
many things concerning the state and condition of this city
and the neighbouring country, and he satisfied me in manner
following.
CHAPTER VIII
Description of the state and condition of Panama, and the parts
adjacent. What vessels they took while they blocked up the
said Port. Captain Coxon with 70 more return home.
Sawkins is chosen in chief
THE famous city of Panama is situated in the latitude of
g degrees North. It stands in a deep bay, belonging to the
South Sea. It is in form round, excepting only that part
where it runs along the sea-side. Formerly it stood four
miles more to the East, when it was taken by Sir Henry
Morgan, as is related in the History of the Buccaneers. But
then, being burnt, and three times more since that time by
casualty, they removed it to the place where it now stands.
Yet, notwithstanding, there are some poor people still in-
habiting the old town, and the cathedral church is still kept
there, the beautiful building whereof makes a fair show at
a distance, like that of St Paul’s in London. This new city of
which I now speak is much bigger than the old one, and is
built for the most part of brick, the rest being of stone, and
tiled. As for the churches belonging thereto, they are not as
yet finished. These are eight in number, whereof the chief
is called Santa Maria. The extent of the city comprehends
better than a mile-and-a-half in length, and above a mile
in breadth. The houses for the most part are three stories
in height. It is well walled round about, with two gates
belonging thereto, excepting only where a creek comes into
the city, the which at high-water lets in barks, to furnish the
inhabitants with all sorts of provisions and other necessaries.
Here are always 300 of the King’s soldiers to garrison the
city ; besides which number, their militia, of all colours, are
1100. But, at the time that we arrived there, most of their
soldiers were out of town, insomuch that our coming put the
327
328 THE CITY ‘OF PANAMA
rest into great consternation, they having had but one night’s
notice of our being in those seas. Hence we were induced
to believe that, had we gone ashore instead of fighting their
ships, we had certainly rendered ourselves masters of the
place ; especially considering that all their chief men were on
board the Admiral—I mean such as were undoubtedly the
best soldiers. Round about the city, for the space of seven
leagues, more or less, all the adjacent country is Savanna, as
they call it in the Spanish language, that is to say, plain and
level ground, as smooth as a sheet, for this is the signification
of the word Savanna. Only here and there is to be seen
a small spot of woody land, and everywhere this level ground
is full of vacadas or beef stantions1, where whole droves of
cows and oxen are kept, which serve as well as so many
look-outs, or watch-towers, to descry if an enemy is approach-
ing by land. The ground whereon the city stands is very
damp and moist, which renders the place of bad repute for
the concern of health. The water is also very full of worms,
and these are much prejudicial to shipping; which is the
cause that the King’s ships lie always at Lima, the capital
city of Peru, unless when they come down to Panama to bring
the King’s plate, which is only at such times as the fleet of
galleons comes from Old Spain to fetch and convey it thither.
Here, in one night after our arrival, we found worms of
three-quarters of an inch in length, both in our bedclothes
and other apparel.
At the island of Perico above-mentioned we seized in all
five ships ; of these, the first and biggest was named, as was
said before, the Tvinidad, and was a great ship, of the burden
of 400 tons. Her lading consisted of wine, sugar, sweetmeats
(whereof the Spaniards in those hot countries make infinite
use), skins, and soap. The second ship was of about 300 tons
burden, and not above half laden with bars of iron, which is
one of the richest commodities that are brought into the
South Sea. This vessel we burnt with the lading in her,
because the Spaniards pretended not to want that com-
modity, and therefore would not redeem it. The third was
laden with sugar, being of the burden of one-hundred and
four-score tons, more or less. This vessel was given to be
under the command of Captain Cook. The fourth was an
1 Spanish estancia, a dwelling, ‘station’ for cattle.
ae ee ee
WITHDRAWAL OF CAPT. COXON 329
old ship of sixty tons burden, which was laden with flour of
meal. This ship we likewise burnt with her lading, esteeming
both bottom and cargo at that time to be useless to us. The
fifth was a ship of 50 tons, which, with a periagua, Captain
Coxon took along with him when he left us.
Within two or three days after our arrival at Panama,
Captain Coxon being much dissatisfied with some reflections
which had been made upon him by our company, determined
to leave us and return back to our ships in the Northern
Seas by the same way he came thither. Unto this effect he
persuaded several of our company, who sided most with
him and had had the chief hand in his election, to fall off
from us, and bear him company in his journey or march
overland. The main cause of those reflections was his back-
wardness in the last engagement with the Armadilla, concern-
ing which point some sticked not to defame, or brand, him
with the note of cowardice. He drew off with him threescore-
and-ten of our men, who all returned back with him in the
ship and periagua above-mentioned towards the mouth of the
river of Santa Maria. In his company also went back the
Indian King, Captain Antonio, and Don Andreas, who, being
old, desired to be excused from staying any longer with us.
However, the King desired we would not be less vigorous in
annoying their enemy and ours, the Spaniards, than if he
were personally present with us. And, to the intent we might
see how faithfully he intended to deal with us, he at the same
time recommended both his son and nephew to the care of
Captain Sawkins, who was now our newly-chosen General or
Commander-in-Chief in the absence of Captain Sharp. The
two Armadilla ships which we took in the engagement we
burnt also, saving no other thing of them both but their
rigging and sails. With them also we burnt a small bark
which came into the port laden with fowls and poultry.
On Sunday, which was April 25th, Captain Sharp with his
bark and company came in and joined us again. His absence
was occasioned by want of water, which forced him to bear
up to the King’s Islands. Being there, he found a new bark,
which he at once took, and burnt his old one. This vessel
did sail excellently well. Within a day or two after the
arrival of Captain Sharp came in likewise the people of
Captain Harris who were still absent. These had also taken
330 THE ISLAND OF TAVOGA
another bark, and cut down the masts of their old one by the
board, and thus without masts or sails turned away the
prisoners they had taken in her. The next day we took in
like manner another bark which arrived from Nata, being
laden with fowls, as before. In this bark we turned away
all the meanest of the prisoners we had on board us.
Having continued before Panama for the space of ten
days, being employed in the affairs aforementioned, on
May 2nd we weighed from the island of Perico, and stood off
to another island, distant two leagues farther from thence,
called Tavoga. On this island stands a town which bears the
same name, and consists of a hundred houses, more or less.
The people of the town had all fled on seeing our vessels
arrive. While we were here, some of our men being drunk
on shore happened to set fire to one of the houses ; which
consumed twelve houses more before any could get ashore
to quench it. To this island came several Spanish merchants
from Panama, and sold us what commodities we needed,
buying also of us much of the goods we had taken in their
own vessels. They gave us likewise 200 pieces-of-eight for
each negro we could spare them of such as were our prisoners.
From this island we could easily see all the vessels that went
out or came into the Port of Panama; and here we took
likewise several barks that were laden with fowls.
Kight days after our arrival at Tavoga we took a ship
that was coming from Truxillo and bound for Panama. In
this vessel we found 2000 jars of wine, 50 jars of gunpowder,
and 51,000 pieces-of-eight. This money had been sent from
that city to pay the soldiers belonging to the garrison of
Panama. From the said prize we had information given
us that there was another ship coming from Lima with
100,000 pieces-of-eight more ; which ship was to sail ten or
twelve days after them, and which they said could not be
long before she arrived at Panama. Within two days after
this intelligence we took also another ship laden with flour
from Truxillo, belonging to certain Indians, inhabitants
of the same place or thereabouts. This prize confirmed what
the first had told us of that rich ship, and said, as the others
had done before, that she would be there in the space of eight
or ten days.
Whilst we lay at Tavoga, the President, that is to say the
CAPT. SAWKINS’ MESSAGE 331
Governor, of Panama, sent a message by some merchants
to us to know what we came for into those parts. To this
message Captain Sawkins made answer: That we came to
assist the King of Darien, who was the true Lord of Panama
and all the country thereabouts. And that since we were come
so far, there was no reason but that we should have some satis-
faction. So that if he pleased to send us 500 pieces-of-eight for
each man, and 1000 for each Commander, and not any farther
to annoy the Indians but suffer them to use their own power
and liberty as became the true and natural lords of the country,
that then we would desist from all further hostilities and go away
peaceably ; otherwise, that we should stay there, and get what
we could, causing to them what damage was possible. By the
merchants also that went and came to Panama we under-
stood there lived then as Bishop of Panama one who had
been formerly Bishop of Santa Martha, and who was prisoner
to Captain Sawkins when he took the said place about four
or five years past. The Captain having received this intelli-
gence, sent two loaves of sugar to the Bishop as a present.
On the next day the merchant who carried them, returning
to Tavoga, brought to the Captain a gold ring for a retaliation
of said present. And withal he brought a message to Captain
Sawkins from the President above-mentioned, to know
farther of him, since we were Englishmen, from whom we
had our commission, and to whom he ought to complain for the
damages we had already done them. To this message Captain
Sawkins sent back for answer: That as yet all his company
were not come together ; but that when they were come up we
would come and visit him at Panama, and bring our commissions
on the muzzles of our guns, at which time he should read them as
plain as the flame of gunpowder could make them.
At this island of Tavoga Captain Sawkins would fain have
stayed longer, to wait for the rich ship above-mentioned that
was coming from Peru; but our men were so importunate
for fresh victuals that no reason could rule them, nor their
own interest persuade them to anything that might conduce
to this purpose. Hereupon, on May 15th, we weighed anchor,
and sailed thence to the island of Otoque. Being arrived
there, we lay by it while our boat went ashore and fetched off
fowls and hogs and other things necessary for sustenance.
Here at Otoque I finished a draft from point Garachine to
332 THE BAY OF PANAMA
the bay of Panama, etc. Of this I may dare to affirm that it
is in general more correct and true than any the Spaniards
have themselves, for which cause I have here inserted it,
for the satisfaction of those that are curious in such things.
From Otoque we sailed to the island of Cayboa, which is
a place very famous for the pearl-fishery thereabouts, and is
at the distance of eight leagues from another place called
Puebla Nueva, on the mainland. In our way to this island
we lost two of our barks, the one whereof had fifteen men
in her, and the other seven. Being arrived, we cast anchor
at the said island.
ee
EB, 0 Sanama ita
acheoor 8
ty Oy
CHAPTER IX
Captain Sawkins, Chief Commander of the Buccaneers, 1s
killed before Puebla Nueva. They are repulsed from the
said place. Captain Sharp chosen to be their leader.
Many more of their company leave them and return home
overland
WHILE we lay at anchor before Cayboa our two Chief Com-
manders, Captain Sawkins and Captain Sharp, taking with
them threescore men, more or less, went in the ship of Captain
Cook to the mouth of the river where Puebla Nueva is situated.
The day of this action, as I find it quoted in my Journal, was
May 22nd, 1679. When they came to the river’s mouth, they
put themselves into canoes, and were piloted up the river
towards the town by a negro who was one of our prisoners.
I was chosen to be concerned in this action, but happened
not to land, being commanded to remain in Captain Cook’s
ship while they went up to assault the town. But here at
Puebla Nueva the inhabitants were too well prepared for
the reception of our party. For a distance of a mile below the
town they had cut down great trees and laid them across
the river, with design to hinder the ascent of any boats.
In like manner on shore before the town itself they had
raised three strong breastworks, and made other things for
their defence. Here, therefore, Captain Sawkins, running
up to the breastworks at the head of a few men, was killed :
a man who was as valiant and courageous as any could be,
and likewise, next to Captain Sharp, the best beloved of all
our company or the most part thereof. Neither was this
love undeserved by him, for we ought justly to attribute
to him the greatest honour we gained in our engagement
before Panama with the Spanish Armadilla, or Little Fleet,
especially, considering that, as has been said above, Captain
333
334 MORE BUCCANEERS WITHDRAW
Sharp was by accident absent at the time of that great and
bloody fight.
We that remained behind on board the ship of Captain
Cook carried her within the mouth of the river of Puebla
Nueva, and entered close by the East: shore, which here is
crowned with a round hill. Here within two stone’s cast of
shore we had four fathom water. Within the point opens a
very large and fine river, which falls from a sandy bay at a
small distance thence. But, as we were getting in, being
strangers to the place we unwittingly ran our ship aground,
nigh to a rock which lies on the Westward shore: for the
true channel of the said river is nearer to the East than the
West shore. With Captain Sawkins, in the unfortunate
assault of this place, there died two men more, and three
were wounded in the retreat, which they performed to the
canoes in pretty good order. On their way down the river
Captain Sharp took a ship, whose lading consisted of indigo,
otto, manteca, or butter, and pitch, and likewise burnt two
vessels more, as being of no value. With this he returned on
board our ships, much troubled in his mind, and grieved for
the loss of so bold and brave a partner in his adventures as
Sawkins had constantly shown himself to be. His death was
much lamented, and occasioned another party of our men
to mutiny and leave us, returning overland as Captain Coxon
and his company had done before.
Three days after the death of Captain Sawkins, Captain
Sharp, who was now Commander-in-Chief, gave the ship
which he had taken in the river of Puebla Nueva, which was
of the burden of one hundred tons, more or less, to Captain
Cook, to command and sail in—ordering withal that the old
vessel which he had should go with those men that designed
to leave us, their mutiny and our distraction being now grown
very high. Hereupon Captain Sharp coming on board La
Trinidad, the greatest of our ships, asked our men in full
council who of them were willing to go or stay, and prosecute
the design Captain Sawkins had undertaken, which was to
remain in the South Sea and there to make a complete voyage ;
after which, he intended to go home round about America,
through the Strait of Magellan. He added withal that he
did not as yet fear, or doubt in the least, but to make each
man who should stay with him worth one thousand pounds
ee
eae iat hae eo
MORE BUCCANEERS WITHDRAW 335
by the fruits he hoped to reap of that voyage. All those
who had remained after the departure of Captain Coxon,
for love of Captain Sawkins and only to be in his company
and under his conduct, thinking thereby to make their
fortunes, would stay no longer, but pressed to depart. Among
this number I acknowledge myself to have been one, being
totally desirous in my mind to quit those hazardous adven-
tures, and return homewards with those who were now
going to leave us. Yet, being much afraid and averse to trust
myself among wild Indians any farther, I chose rather to
stay, though unwilling, and venture on that long and danger-
ous voyage. Besides which danger of the Indians, I con-
sidered that the rains were now already up, and it would
be hard passing so many gullies, which of necessity would
then be full of water and consequently create more than one
single peril to the undertakers of that journey. Yet, not-
withstanding, 63 men of our company were resolved to
encounter all these hardships, and to depart from us. Here-
unto they took their leave of us, and returned homewards,
taking with them the Indian King’s son and the rest of the
Indians for their guides overland. They had, as was said
above, the ship wherein Captain Cook sailed to carry them,
and out of our provisions as much as would serve for treble
their number.
Thus on the last day of May they departed, leaving us
employed about taking in water and cutting down wood at
the island of Cayboa aforementioned, where this mutiny
happened. Here we caught very good tortoises and red-deer.
We killed also alligators of a very large size, some of them
being above twenty-feet in length. But we could not find
but that they were very fearful of a man, and would fly from
us very hastily when we hunted them. This island lies
S.S.E. from the mouth of the river above-mentioned. On the
South-east side of the island is a shoal, or spit, of sand, which
stretches itself the space of a quarter-of-a-league into the sea.
Here, therefore, just within this shoal, we anchored in fourteen
fathom water. The island on this side thereof makes two
great bays, in the first of which we watered at a certain pond
not distant above the cast of a stone from the bay. In this
pond, as I was washing myself and standing under a man-
canilla tree, a small shower of rain happened to fall on the
336 TORTOISES; RED-DEER; OYSTERS
tree, and thence dropped on my skin. These drops caused
me to break out all over my body into red spots, of which
I was not well for the space of a week after. Here I ate very
large oysters, the biggest that ever I ate in my life, insomuch
that I was forced to cut them into four pieces, each quarter
of them being a good mouthful.
Three days after the departure of the mutineers Captain
Sharp ordered us to burn the ship that they hitherto had
sailed in, only out of design to make use of the ironwork
belonging to the said vessel. Withal, we put all the flour
that was her lading into the last prize, taken in the river of
Puebla Nueva, and Captain Cook, as was said before, was
ordered to command her. But the men belonging to his
company would not sail any longer under his command.
Hereupon he quitted his vessel and came on board our Admiral,
the great ship above-mentioned, called La Trinidad, deter-
mining to rule over such unruly company no longer. In his
place was put one whose name was John Cox, an inhabitant
of New England, who forced kindred, as was thought, upon
Captain Sharp, out of old acquaintance, in this conjuncture
of time, only to advance himself. Thus he was made, as it
were, Vice-Admiral to Captain Sharp. The next day three
of our prisoners, viz. an Indian, who was Captain of a
ship, and two mulattos ran away from us, and made their
escape.
After this it was thought convenient to send Captain
Peralta prisoner in the Admiral, on board the ship of Mr
Cox. This was done to the intent he might not hinder the
endeavours of Captain Juan, who was Commander of the
money-ship we took, as was mentioned, at the island of
Tavoga. For this man had now promised to do great things
for us, by piloting and conducting us to several places of great
riches, but more especially to Guayaquil, where he said we
might lay down our silver and lade our vessels with gold.
This design was undertaken by Captain Sawkins, and had
not the head-strongness of his men brought him to the island
of Cayboa, where he lost his life, he had certainly effected it
before now. That night we had such thunder and lightning
as I never had heard before in all my life. Our prisoners
1 Tt does not seem to occur to the writer that his ‘ red spots’ were
more probably due to the oysters than to the rain |
a
Vv ee ae ee
THUNDER AND LIGHTNING 337
told us that in these parts it very often causes great damages
both by sea and land. And my opinion led me to believe
that our mainmast received some damage on this occasion.
The rainy season being now entered, the wind for the most
part was at N.W., though not without some calms.
CHAPTER X
They depart from the island of Cayboa to the isle of Gorgona,
where they careen their vessels. Description of this isle.
They resolve to go and plunder Arica, leaving their design of
Guayaquil
HAVING got in all things necessary for navigation, we were
now in readiness to depart on Sunday, June 6th, 1680. That
day some rain fell, which now was very frequent in all places.
About five o’clock in the evening we set sail from the island
of Cayboa, with a small breeze, the wind being at $.S.W.
Our course was E.S. by E. and S.E. having all night a very
small, or little, wind. The same calmness of weather con-
tinued all the next day, insomuch, that we lay and drove
only as the current horsed us to N.W.
Little better than a calm we had also the third day of our
navigation. Meanwhile a current drove us to the Westward.
About sunrising we descried Quicara, which at that time bore
N.W. by W. from us at the distance of five leagues, more or
less. With the rising of the sun an easy gale of wind sprang
up, so that at noon we had altered our bearing, which was
then N. by E. being six leagues distant, and appearing thus,
as is underneath demonstrated.
mf
QUICARA LAT. 4 Due. 4°: N,
These are two several islands, whereof the least is to the
Southward of the other. The land is a low table-land, these
islands being more than three leagues in length. About six
o’clock that evening we were nigh ten leagues distant W.S.W.
from them. Much like the former weather we had the fourth
338
ee ee et ae
TORTOISES; DOLPHINS; FISH = 339
day of our sailing, with little wind in the forenoon and rather
less than more in the afternoon. I judged, about the middle
of the day, we were at the distance of twenty leagues S.S.W.
from the said islands.
Thursday, June roth, we had very small and variable
winds. This day I reckoned that we had made hitherto a
S. by E. way, anda S. by W. from our departure, being driven
by a current, according to the observation I made, into
lat. 6° 30’.
This day we saw many tortoises floating upon the sea.
Hereupon we hoisted out our boat, and came to one of them,
who offered not to stir until she was struck, and even then
not to sink to the bottom but rather to swim away. The sea
hereabouts is very full of several sorts of fish, as dolphins,
bonitos, albicores!, mullets, and old wives?, etc., which came
swimming about our ship in whole shoals. The next day,
which was Friday, we had likewise very little wind, which
was no more than we had all Thursday night, with some
showers of rain. That day we had an observation which was
lat. 6° N. In the evening a fresh wind came up at S.W.,
our course being S.S.E. On Saturday we had in like manner,
about seven in the morning, a fresh breeze at S. So we stood
W.S.W. with cloudy weather, and several showers of rain.
This day our Spanish prisoners informed us we must not
expect any settled wind until we came within the latitude of
three degrees, for all along the Western shore of these seas
there is little wind, which is the cause that those ships that
go from Acapulco to the islands called De las Philipinas, do
coast along the shore of California, until they get into the
height of 45 degrees, yea, sometimes of 50 degrees latitude.
As the wind varied, so we tacked several times, thereby to
make the best of our way that was possible to the Southward.
As our prisoners had informed us, so we found it by experi-
ence. For on the next day, which was Sunday, June 13th,
we had very little wind, and most commonly none, for the
space of twenty-four hours. That day we tried the current
1 Span. albacore, a large species of tunny found in West Indian seas :
cf. Hakluyt, Voyages [1579], vol. I, ii, 100: ‘*. , . the fish which is
called albocore, as big as a salmon.”
* The wrasse, or sea-cream. Monfet, Health’s Improv. [1655]: “ Of
fresh-water fish. . Old wives (because of their mumping and soure
countenance.’ P. “Browne, Jamaica [1756]: ‘“‘A saying That an Old
Wife is the best of fish, and worst of flesh.”
340 FISHING
of the sea, and found it very strong to the eastward. The
same day we had much rain, and in the afternoon a small
breeze at W., and W.S.W., but mostly at W. Yet, notwith-
standing all this calmness of weather, the next day in the
morning very early, by a sudden gale of wind which arose we
made shift to split our main top-sail. We had all the night
before and that day continued and incessant showers of rain,
and made a S.W. and by S. way ; seeing all along as we went
a multitude of dolphins, bonitos, and several other sorts of
fish floating upon the seas, whereof in the afternoon we caught
many, the weather being now changed from stormy to calm
again—insomuch that we could fish as we sailed along, or
rather as we lay tumbling in the calm.
Tuesday, June 15th, the morning continued calm as the day
before; and this day also we saw multitudes of fish of several
sorts, whereof we caught some for our table, as we were wont
to do. By an observation which was made this day, we
found ourselves to be now in lat. 4° 21’. At this time the
course of our navigation and our whole design was to go
and careen our vessels at the islands commonly called by the
Spaniards De los Galapagos, that is to say ‘ of the Tortoises ’,
being so denominated from the infinite number of those
animals swarming and breeding thereabouts. These islands
are situated under the equinoctial line at the distance of
100 leagues, more or less, from the main continent of America,
in the South Sea. In the afternoon of this day we had a small
breeze to push us forwards.
June 16th, being Wednesday, we made our way this day,
and for the four-and-twenty hours last past, E.S.E., with
much rain, which ceased not to fall, as in all this voyage,
since our departure from Cayboa. This day likewise we
caught several dolphins and other sorts of fish, but in the even-
ing we had again a fresh breeze at S. by W., our course being,
aS was just now said, E.S.E.
The next day, which was June 17th, about five in the
morning we descried land, which appeared all along to be
very low, and likewise full of creeks and bays. We instantly
asked our pilot what land that was before us ; but he replied
he knew it not. Hereupon, being doubtful of our condition,
we called Mr Cox on board us, who brought Captain Peralta
with him. This gentleman, being asked, presently told us
THE ISLAND OF GORGONA 341
the land we saw was the land of Barbacoa, being almost a
wild country all over. Withal he informed us that to leeward
of us, at the distance of ten leagues or thereabouts, did lie
an island called by the name of Gorgona, which island, he
said, the Spaniards did shun, and very seldom come nigh to,
by reason of the incessant and continual rains there falling,
scarce one day in the year being dry at that place. Captain
Sharp, having heard this information of Captain Peralta,
judged the said island might be the fittest place for our com-
pany to careen at, considering that, if the Spaniards did not
frequent it, we might in all probability lie there undescried,
and our enemies the Spaniards in the meantime might think
that we were gone out of those seas. At this time it was that
I seriously repented my staying in the South Seas and that
I did not return homewards in company of them that went
before us. For I knew, and could easily perceive, that by
these delays the Spaniards would gain time and be able to
send advice of our coming to every port all along the coast,
so that we should be prevented in all or most of our attempts
and designs wheresoever we came. But those of our com-
pany who had got money by the former prizes of this voyage
over-swayed the others who had lost all their booty at
gambling. Thus we bore away for the island aforesaid of
Gorgona, and at the distance of six leagues and a half, at
S.W.I. observed it to make the appearance following.
GORGONA LAT. 3. OF N.
On the mainland over against this island of Gorgona we
were told by our prisoners that up a great laguna, or lake, is
seated an Indian town, where they have great quantity of
sand-grains of gold. Moreover, that, five days’ journey up
a river belonging to the said laguna, do dwell four Spanish
superintendents, who have each of them the charge of over-
seeing 50 or 60 Indians who are employed in gathering that
342 THE ISLAND OF GORGONA
gold which slips from the chief collectors, or finders, thereof.
These are at least threescore and ten or fourscore Spaniards,
with a great number of slaves belonging to them, who dwell
higher up than these four superintendents, at a distance of
twenty-five or thirty days’ journey on the said river. That
once every year, at a certain season, there comes a vessel from
Lima, the capital city of Peru, to fetch the gold that here is
gathered, and to bring to these people such necessaries as
they want. By land it is nothing less than six-weeks’ travel
from thence to Lima.
The mainland to windward of this island is very low and
full of rivers. All along the coast it rains most desperately.
The island is only 4 leagues distant from the continent.
While we lay at it, I took the whole circumference thereof,
which is according to what is here underneath described.
Captain Sharp gave to this island the name of Sharp’s
Isle, by reason we careened at this place. We anchored on
the South side of the island, at the mouth of 2. very fine river,
which there disgorges itself into the sea. There belong to
this island about thirty rivers and rivulets, which all fall
from_the rocks on the several sides of the island. The whole
Ce Se ee
ee
SNAKES; WHALES; GRAMPUSES 343
circumference thereof is about three-leagues-and-a-half,
being all high and mountainous land, excepting only on that
side where we cast anchor. Here therefore we moored our
ship in the depth of eighteen or twenty fathom water, and
began to unrig the vessel. But we were four or five days’
space before we could get our sails dry so as to be able to take
them from the yards, there falling a shower of rain almost
every hour of the day and night. The mainland to the East
of the island, and so stretching northward, is extremely high
and towering, and perpetually clouded, excepting only at
the rising of the sun, at which time the tops of those hills are
clear. From the South side of this island where we anchored,
as was said above, we could see the lowland of the main, at
least a point thereof which lies nearest to the island. The
appearance it makes is as it were of trees growing out of the
water.
Friday, July 2nd, as we were heaving down our ship, our
mainmast happened to crack. Hereupon our carpenters were
constrained to cut out large fishes, and fish it, as the usual
terms of that art do name the thing.
On the next day after the mischance of our mainmast, we
killed a snake which had fourteen inches in circumference
and eleven feet in length. About the distance of a league from
this island runs a ledge of rocks, over which the water con-
tinually breaks—the ledge being about two miles, more or
less, in length. Had we anchored but half-a-mile more
northerly, we had ridden in much smoother water ; for here
where we were the wind came in upon us in violent gusts.
While we were there, from June 30th to July 3rd, we had
dry weather, which was esteemed as a rarity by the
Spaniards, our prisoners. And every day we saw whales and
grampuses, who would often come and dive under our ship.
We fired at them several times, but our bullets rebounded
from their bodies. Our choice and best provisions here were
Indian conies, monkeys, snakes, oysters, conchs, periwinkles,
and a few small turtle, with some other sorts of good fish.
Here in like manner we caught a sloth, a beast well deserving
that name, given it by the Spaniards, by whom it is called
pereza, from the Latin word pigritia.
At this island died Josephe Gabriel, a Spaniard, born in
Chile, who was to have been our pilot to Panama. He was
444. DECISION TO GO TO ARICA
the same man who had stolen and married the Indian King’s
daughter, as was mentioned above. He had all along been
very true and faithful to us in discovering several plots and
conspiracies among our prisoners, either to get away or destroy
us. His death was occasioned by a calenture, or malignant
fever, which killed him after three days’ sickness, having lain
two days senseless. During the time of our stay at this
island we lengthened our topsails, and got up topgallant
masts ; we made two staysails, and refitted our ship very
well. But we wanted provisions extremely, as having nothing
considerable of any sort but flour and water. Being almost
ready to depart, Captain Sharp, our Commander, gave us to
understand he had changed his resolution concerning the
design of going to Guayaquil, for he thought it would be in
vain to go thither considering that in all this time we must
of necessity have been descried before now. Yet notwith-
standing he himself before had persuaded us to stay. Being
very doubtful among ourselves what course we should take,
a certain old man who had long time sailed among the
Spaniards told us he could carry us to a place called Arica,
to which town, he said, all the plate was brought down from
Potosi, Chiquisaca, and several other places within the land,
where it was dug out of the mountains and mines, and that he
doubted not but that we might get there of purchase at least
2000 pounds every man. For all the plate of the South Sea
lay there, as it were, in store, being deposited at the said place
until such time as the ships did fetch it away. Being moved
with these reasons, and having deliberated thereupon, we
resolved in the end to go to the said place. At this island of
Gorgona afore-mentioned we likewise took down our round-
house coach, and all the high carved work belonging to the
stern of the ship, for, when we took her from the Spaniards
before Panama, she was high as any third-rate ship in England.
Eee
CHAPTER XI
The Buccaneers depart from the isle of Gorgona, with design to
plunder Arica. They lose one another by the way. They
touch at the Isle of Plate, or Drake’s Isle, where they meet
again. Description of this isle. Some memoirs of Sir
Francis Drake. An account of this voyage and the coasts all
along. They sail as far in a fortnight as the Spaniards
usually do in three months
On Sunday, July 25th, in the afternoon, all things being now
in readiness for our departure, we set sail, and stood away
from the island of Gorgona, or Sharp’s Isle, with a small
breeze which served us at N.W. But as the sun went down
that day, so our breeze died away by degrees. Yet already
we could begin to experiment that our ship sailed much
better since the taking down of her round house and the
other alterations which we made in her.
The next day about two o’clock in the morning we had
a land-breeze to help us, which lasted for the space of six
hours, more or less. So that at noon we found ourselves to
be five-leagues-and-a-half distant to the South-West from
Gorgona. This day the Spaniards, our prisoners, told us, in
common discourse, that in most part of this lowland coast
they find three-score fathom water. In the afternoon we had
a very strong land-breeze : meanwhile we continued making
short trips off and in. That night we had much rain for the
greatest part of the night, which occasioned the next morning,
being the third day of our navigation, to be very cloudy
until ten o’clock. About that hour it cleared up, and then
we saw the island of Gorgona at E.N.E., being distant about
12 leagues more or less from us. We had the wind all this
day at S.W., where it continued, seldom varying above two
points of the compass to the westwards. Night being come,
345
346 DEPARTURE FROM GORGONA
about two o’clock Captain Sharp ordered me to speak to Cap-
tain Cox and bid him go about and stand off from the shore,
for he feared less Cox should come too nigh unto it. But he
replied he knew well that he might stand in until two o’clock.
The next day very early in the morning we saw him not, the
morning being cloudy and stark calm. Yet notwithstanding
at eight o’clock it cleared up, and neither then could we see
him. Hence we concluded, and so it proved, that we had
lost him in the obscurity of the night, through his obstinacy
in standing in too long and not coming about when we spoke
to him. Thus our Admiral’s ship was left alone, and we had
not the company of Captain Cox any longer in this voyage,
till we arrived at the Isle of Plate, where we had the good
fortune to find him again, as shall be mentioned hereafter.
The weather being clear this morning, we could see Gorgona,
at a distance of at least 15 or 16 leagues to the E.N.E. All
this day it continued calm till about four in the afternoon,
at which time we had a W.S.W. wind, which continued to
blow all that night.
Thursday, July 29th, 1679. This day the wind continued
pretty fresh all day long. About four in the afternoon we
came within sight of the island Del Gallo, which I guessed
to be nigh 28 leagues distant from that of Gorgona, the place
of our departure S.W. It is about nine leagues distant E.
from the main; so that the island with the mainland S.W.
from it appears thus :-—
J Ne ea es
GALLO GAT. 25-12. Ns
All this day the weather continued clear, and the wind
W.S.W. ;
The next day, July 30th, the wind blew very fresh and brisk,
insomuch that we were in some fear for the heads of our low
masts, being very sensible that they were but weak. About
three or four in the afternoon we saw another island, 6 or 7
leagues distant from Gallo, called Gorgonilla. At E. by S.
from us it made the appearance which I have here adjoined.
All the mainland hereabouts lies very low and flat, and is
GORGONILLA; GALLO 347
in very many places overflowed and drowned every high-
water.
Tae
GORGONILLA
On Saturday, July 31st, in the morning the island Del
Gallo, at E.N.E. being distant about 8 leagues, gave us this
appearance :—
ee er
GaLLo, Another Prospect thereof
The point of Mangroves is a low and level point, running
out S.S.W, This day, and the night before it, we lost by our
computation 3 leagues of our way, which I believe happened
because we stood out too far from the land, having stood off
all night long.
August Ist, which was Sunday, we had a very fresh wind at
W.S.W. This was joined also with several small showers of
rain which fell that day. In the meanwhile we got pretty
well to windward with it, by making small trips to and fro,
which we performed most commonly, by standing in three
glasses and as many out.
The next day, August 2nd, in the morning, we came up
into the highland of Santiago, where begins the highland
of this coast. We kept at the distance of ten leagues
from it, making continual short trips, as was mentioned
before. The next day likewise we continued to do the
same. But the weather was cloudy and for the most part
full of rain.
Wednesday, August 4th, we continued still turning in the
wind’s eye, as we had done for two days before. This day,
in the afternoon, we discovered three hills at E.N.E. of our
ship. These hills make the land of San Matteo, which gives
this following appearance :—
348 CAPT; OF SAN ERANCISCO
PTOI on SREY
SAN MATTEO
All the coast along hereabouts is highland. That evening
also we saw the cape of San Francisco. At first this cape
appeared like two several islands. But two hours after, at
the distance of 12 leagues, at S. by W. it looked thus :—
a
CAPE OF SAN FRANCISCO
Thursday, August 5th, we being then about the cape, it
looked very like unto Beachy Head in England. It is full
of white cliffs on all sides. The land turns off here to E. of S.,
and makes a large and deep bay, the circumference whereof
is full of pleasant hills. In the bight of the bay are two high
and rocky islands, which represent exactly two ships with their
sails full. We were now come out of the rainy countries into
a pleasant and fair region, where we had for the most part
a clear sky and dry weather. Only now and then we could
here find a small mist, which soon would vanish away. Ina
the meanwhile every night a great dew used to fall, which
supplied the defect of rain.
The two next days following we continued plying to wind-
ward with fair weather, nothing else remarkable happening
in them which might deserve any notice to be taken thereof.
On Sunday, August 8th, we came close under a wild and
mountainous country. This day likewise we saw Cape
Passao at the distance of 10 leagues, more or less, to wind-
ward of us. Ever since we came on this side Mangrove point
we had observed a windward current did run all along as we
sailed. Under shore the land is full of white cliffs and groves,
lower towards the pitch of the cape.
The next day we had both a fair day and a fresh wind to
help us on our voyage. We observed that Cape Passao
r a ae
re
———. oS
oo
CAPE PASSAO 349
makes three points, between which are two bays. The
leeward-most of the two is of the length of 3 leagues, and
the other of 4. Adjoining unto the bays is seen a pleasant
valley. Our prisoners informed us that northward of these
capes live certain Indians, who sell maize and other pro-
visions to any ships that happen to come in there. The Cape
itself is a continuous cliff, covered with several sorts of shrubs
and low bushes. Under these cliffs lies a sandy bay of the
depth of 40 feet. The Spaniards say that the wind is always
here between the S.S.W. and W.S.W. The cape represents
with much likeliness the brow of an alligator or cayman. At
S. Cape Passao appears thus :—
ft
CAPE Passao DAT ete! 80.00;
Tuesday, August roth. This morning the sky was so thick
and hazy that we could not see the highland, though it were
just before us, and not altogether two leagues distant from us.
But, as soon as it cleared up, we stood in towards the land
until we came within a mile of the shore. Here, having
sounded, we found seven-fathom-and-a-half of water, under
which was a light and clayey ground. The coast all along is
very mountainous and likewise full of high and towering
cliffs. When we sounded, the tide was almost at low-water.
Here it ebbs and flows nearly four fathom perpendicular.
From this cape the land runs along S.E. for the space of three
_ or four leagues, with huge highland cliffs, like those of Calais
over against England. Being past this cape, the highland
S. from us is Cape St Lawrence.
August 11th we found ourselves N.N.W. from Monte de
Christo, a very high and round hill. Thence to windward is
seen a very pleasant country, with spots here and there of
woody land, which cause the country all over to look like so
many enclosures of ripe cornfields. To leeward of the said
hill the land is all high and hilly, with white cliffs at the sea-
side. The coast runs S.W. till it reaches to a point of land
350 CAPE ST LAWRENCE
within which is the port of Manta, as it is called. This port
of Manta is nothing else than a settlement of Spaniards and
Indians together where ships that want provisions call in and
are furnished with several necessaries. About 6 or 7 leagues
to windward of this port is Cape St Lawrence, butting out
into the sea, being in form like the top of a church. Monte de
Christo gives this appearance at sea :—
o
MONTE DE CHRISTO IAT Os os
The cape rises higher and higher from the port of Manta.
As we sailed along we saw multitudes of grampuses every
day ; also water-snakes of divers colours. Both the Spaniards
and Indians are very fearful of these snakes, believing there
is no cure for their bitings. At the distance of eight leagues,
or thereabouts, to leeward of Cape St Lawrence it appears
thus :—
Ee ae a i SB ASD reel ine Se, 10
CaPE ST. LAWRENCE GA Te 56s.
This day before night we came within sight of Manta.
Here we saw the houses of the town belonging to the port,
which were not above twenty or thirty Indian houses, lying
under the windward and the mount. We were not willing
to be descried by the inhabitants of the said place, and stood
off to sea again.
On Thursday, August 12th, in the morning, we saw the
Island of Plate at S.W. at the distance of five-leagues, more
or less. It appeared to us to be an even land. Having made
this island, we resolved to go thither and refit our rigging,
and get some goats which there run wild up and down the
country. For, as was said before, at this time we had no
other provision than flour and water. The island itself is
:
i
sr tial es ett ilies ies a ieee anny ee ee
oe ee
THE ISLE OF PLATE (DRAKE’S ISLE) 351
indifferent highland and off at sea looks thus, as is here
described :—
PL
IsLE OF PLATE LAT. 21.4245;
But the highland of Cape Passao, of which we have spoken
before, at the distance of 15 leagues to N., gives in several
hummocks this appearance :—
HIGHLAND OF CAPE PASSAO
The land of Cape St Lawrence is all white cliffs, the head of
the cape running N. and S. This day several great whales
came up to us, and dived under our ship. One of these
whales followed our ship from two in the afternoon till dark
night.
The next morning very early, at about six o’clock, we
came under the aforesaid Isle of Plate, and here unexpectedly,
to our great joy, we found at anchor the ship of Captain Cox
with his whole company, whom we had lost at sea for the
space of a whole fortnight before. We found they had reached
this island, and had been there at anchor four days before
us, being now just ready to depart thence. At about seven
we came to anchor, and then the other vessel sent us a live
tortoise and a goat to feast upon that day, telling us withal
of great store of tortoises to be found ashore upon the bays
and of much fish to be caught hereabouts. The island is very
steep on all sides, insomuch that there is landing only on the
N.E. side thereof, where is a gully, nigh unto which we
anchored in 12 fathom water. Here at the distance of a
furlong, or little more, from the shore as you go to land, you
will see on the left hill a cross still standing there erected
in former times. No trees are to be found on the whole
island, but only low shrubs, on which the goats feed, which
cattle is here very numerous. The shore is bold and hard,
neither is there any water to be found upon it, excepting
352 THE ISLE OF PLATE (DRAKE'S ISLE)
only on the S.W. side of the island, where it cannot be come
at, lying so much enclosed by the rocks and too great a sea
hindering the approach to it in boats.
This island received its name from Sir Francis Drake and
his famous actions, for here it is reported by tradition that he
made the dividend, or sharing, of that quantity of plate
which he took in the Avmada of this sea, distributing it to
each man of his company by whole bowls full. The Spaniards
affirm to this day that he took at that time twelve-score tons
of plate and 16 bowls of coined money a man, his number
then being 45 men in all—insomuch that they were forced
to heave much of it overboard, because his ship could not
carry it all. Hence was this island called by the Spaniards
themselves the Isle of Plate, from this great dividend; and
by us Drake’s Isle.
All along as we sailed we found the Spanish pilots to be
very ignorant of the coasts. But they plead thus much for
their ignorance, that the merchants, their employers, either of
Mexico, Lima, Panama, or other parts, will not entrust one
pennyworth of goods on that man’s vessel that corks her,
for fear she should miscarry. Here our prisoners told us like-
wise that in the time of Oliver Cromwell, or the Commonwealth
of England, a certain ship was fitted out of Lima with 70
brass guns, having on board her no less than thirty millions
of dollars, or pieces-of-eight, all which vast sum of money
was given by the merchants of Lima, and sent as a present
to our gracious King (or rather his father) who now reigneth,
to supply him in his exile and distress; but that this great
and rich ship was lost by keeping along the shore in the
Bay of Manta above-mentioned, or thereabouts. What truth
there may be in this history I cannot easily tell: at least it
seems to me as scarce deserving any credit.
At this island we took out of Mr Cox’s ship the old Moor
(for of that nation he was) who pretended he would be our
pilot to Arica. This was done lest we should have the mis-
fortune of losing the company of Cox’s vessel, as we had
done before, our ship being the biggest in burden and having
the greatest number of men. Captain Peralta admired
oftentimes that we were got so far to windward in so little
space of time; whereas they had been, he said, many times
three or four months in reaching to this distance from our
ee en ee ee
DO > ag a
mee
WILD-GOATS; TORTOISES 353
departure. Their long and tedious voyages, he added, were
occasioned by their keeping at too great a distance from tke
shore. Moreover, he told us, that had we gone to the islands
of Galapagos, as we were once determined to'do, we had
met in that voyage with many calms and such currents that
many ships have by them been lost and never heard of to this
day. This Island of Plate is about two-leagues in length,
and very full of both deep and dangerous bays, as also such
as we call gullies in these parts. The circumference and
description of the said island is exactly thus :—
PERSE Sy
SETA meee te
eS alt YU
SR Drakes J
or fla dela Plata
vee
We caught at this island and salted good number of goats
and tortoises. One man standing here on a little bay in one
day turned 17 tortoises, besides which number our mosquito-
strikers brought us in several more. Captain Sharp, our
Commander, showed himself very ingenious in striking them,
he performing it as well as the tortoise-strikers themselves.
For these creatures here are so little fearful that they offer not
to sink from the fishermen, but lie still until such time as they
are struck. But we found that the tortoises on this side
were not so large, nor so sweet to the taste, as those on the
North side of the island. Of goats we have taken, killed,
and salted, above 100 in a day, and that without any labour.
While we stayed here we made a square maintopsail yard.
We cut also six feet off our bowsprit, and three feet more off
our head. Most of the time that we remair:ed here we had
hazy weather. Only now and then the sun would happen to
break out, and then to shine so hot that it burnt the skin off
the necks of several of our men. As for me, my lips were
burnt in such a manner that they were not well in a whole
week afterwards.
CHAPTER XM
Capiain Sharp and his compaivy depart from the Isle of Plate in
prosecution of their voyage towards Arica. They take two
Spanish vessels by the way, and learn intelligence from the
enemy. Eight of their company destroyed at the Isle of Gallo.
Lediousness of this voyage, and great hardships they endured.
Description of the coast all along, and their sailings
FAvinG taken in at the isle of Plate what provisions and
other necessaries we could get, we set sail thence on Tuesday,
August 17th, 1679, in prosecution of our voyage and designs
above-mentioned, to take and plunder the vastly rich town
of Arica. This day we sailed so well, and the same we did
for several others afterwards, that we were forced to lie by
several times, besides reefing our topsails, to keep our other
ship company, lest we should lose her again.
The next morning, ebout break of day, we found ourselves
to be at the distance of 7 or 8 leagues to the Westward of the
island whence we had departed, standing W. by S. with a
S. by W. wind. About noon that day we had laid the land.
After dinner the wind came S.S.W. at which time we were
torced to stay more than once for the other vessel belonging
to our company.
On the following day we continued in like manner a West
course all the day long. Sometimes this day the wind would
change, but then in a quarter-of-an-hour it would return to
5.S.W. again. Hereabouts where we now were we observed
great ripplings of the sea.
August 2oth, yesterday in the afternoon about six o'clock,
we stood in S.E., but all night and all this day, we had very
small winds. We found still that we gained very much on
the small ship, which did not a little both perplex and hinder
us in our course.
554
THE ISLE OF SOLANGO 355
The next day likewise we stood in S.E. by S., though with
very little wind, which sometimes varied, as was mentioned
above. That day I finished two quadrants, each of which
were two-feet-and-a-half radius. Here we had in like manner,
as has been mentioned on other days of our sailings, very
many dolphins, and other sorts of fish swimming about our
ship.
On the morning following we saw again the island of Plate
at N.E. of our ship, giving us this appearance at that distance
of prospect :—
Poa NG
IsLE OF PLATE
The same day at the distance of six-leagues, more or less,
from the said island, we saw another island, called Solango.
This isle lies close in by the mainland. In the evening we
observed it to bear E.N.E. from us. Our course was S.E.
by S. and the wind at S.W. by S. This day likewise we
found that our lesser ship was still a great hindrance to our
sailing, being forced to lie by, and stay for her two or three
hours every day. We found likewise that, the farther from
shore we were, the less wind we had all along, and that under
the shore we were always sure of a fresh gale, though not so
favourable to us as we could wish it to be. Hitherto we had
used to stand off 40 leagues, and yet notwithstanding, in the
space of six days, we had not got above ten leagues on our
voyage, from the place of our departure.
August 23rd: this day the wind was S.W. by S. and
S.S.W. In the morning we stood off. The island of Solango,
at N.E. by N. appears thus :-—
2 ee me
IsLE oF SOLANGO
As S. by W., and about six leagues distance from us, we
descried a long and even hill. I took it to be an island, and
conjectured it might be at least eight leagues distant from
the continent. But afterwards we found it was a point of
356 ST HELENA
land joining to the main, and is called Point St Helena, being
continued by a piece of land which lies low, and in several
places is almost drowned from sight, so that it cannot be seen
at two leagues distance. In this lowland the Spaniards have
conveniences for making pitch, tar,. salt, and some other
things, for which purpose they have several houses here,
and a friar who serves them as their chaplain. From the
island of Solango to this place are reckoned eleven leagues,
more or less. The land is hereabouts indifferent high, and is
likewise full of bays. We had this day very little wind to
help us in our voyage, excepting what blasts came now and
then in snatches. These sometimes would prove pretty fair
to us, and allow us for some little while a South course. But
our chief course was S.E. by S. The point of St Helena at
S. half E. and at about 6 leagues distance gives exactly this
appearance as follows :—
fe
PUNTA DE SANTA HELENA
Here we found no gieat current of the sea to move anyway.
At the isle of Plata, afore-described, the sea ebbs and flows
nearly 13 feet perpendicular. About four leagues to leeward
of this point is a deep bay, having a quay at the mouth of it
which takes up the better part of its width. In the deepest
part of the bay on shore we saw a great smoke, which was
at a village belonging to the bay, to which place the people
were removed from the point above-mentioned. This after-
noon we had a small Westerly wind, our course being S.S.W.
Hereabouts it is all along a very bold shore. At three o’clock
in the afternoon we tacked about to clear the point. Being
now a little way without the point, we spied a sail, which we
conceived to be a bark. Hereupon we hoisted out our canoe,
and sent in pursuit of her, which made directly for the shore.
But the sail proved to be nothing else than a pair of bark-
logs 1, which, arriving on shore, the men spread their sail on
1 The modern balsa, balza: cf. Hakluyt, Voyages [1600], vol. iii,
p. 416: “. . . it was so well peopled with Indians, which had so many
canoas of wood, as we might discerne, and not raftes or balsas, for so
they call those floats which are made all flat with canes.”
THE CITY OF GUAYAQUIL 357
the sand of the bay to dry. At the same time there came
down on the shore an Indian on horseback, who hallooed
to our canoe, which had followed the logs. But our men,
fearing to discover who we were, in case they went too near
the shore, left the design and returned back to us. In these
parts the Indians have no canoes, nor any wood indeed that
may be thought fit to make them of. Had we been descried
by these poor people, they would in all probability have been
very fearful of us. But they offered not to stir, which gave
us to understand they knew us not. We could perceive
from the ship a great path leading to the hills, so that we
believed this place to be a look-out, or watch-place, for the
security of Guayaquil. Between four and five we doubled
the point, and then we descried the Point Chandy, at the
distance of six leagues S.S.E. from this point. At first sight
it seemed like to a long island, but withal, lower than that of
St Helena.
Tuesday, August 24th, at noon, we took the other ship,
wherein Captain Cox sailed in tow, she being every day a
greater hindrance than before to our voyage. Thus, about
three in the afternoon we lost sight of land, in standing
over for Cape Blanco. Here we found a strong current to
move to the S.W. The wind was at S.W. by S., our course
being S. by E. At the upper end of this gulf, which is framed
by the two capes aforementioned, stands the city of Guaya-
quil, being a very rich place, and the embarcadero, or sea-port,
to the great city of Quito. To this place likewise many of
the merchants of Lima do usually send the money they
design for Old Spain in barks, and by that means save the
custom that otherwise they would pay to the King by carrying
it on board the fleet. Hither comes much gold from Quito,
and very good and strong broadcloth, together with images
for the use of the churches, and several other things of con-
siderable value. But more especially coco-nut, whereof
chocolate is made, which is supposed here to be the best in
the whole universe. The town of Guayaquil consists of about
150 great houses, and twice as many little ones. This was
the town to which Captain Sawkins intended to make his
voyage, aS was mentioned above. When ships of greater
burden come into this gulf, they anchor outside Lapina, and
then put their lading into lesser vessels to carry it to the
ace TIE Y CAPTURE A OPANISH BARK
town. Towards the evening of this day a small breeze sprang
up, varying from point to point, after which, about ‘nine
o’clock at night, we tacked about, and stood off to sea, W.
by N.
As soon as we had tacked, we happened to spy a sail N.N.E.
from us. Hereupon we instantly cast off our other vessel
which we had in tow, and stood round about after them.
We came very near to the vessel before the people saw us,
by reason of the darkness of the night. As soon as they spied
us, they immediately clapped on a wind, and sailed very
well before us, insomuch that it was a pretty while before we
could come up with them and within call. We hailed them in
Spanish, by means of an Indian prisoner, and commanded
them to lower their top-sails. They answered they would
soon make us to lower our own. Hereupon we fired several
guns at them, and they as thick at us again with their harque-
buses!. Thus they fought us for the space of half-an-hour
or more, and would have done it longer, had we not killed
the man at the helm, after which none of the rest dared to
be so hardy as to take his place. With another of our shot
we cut in pieces and disabled their main-top halliards. Here-
upon they cried out for quarter, which we gave them, and
entered their ship. Being possessed of the vessel, we found
in her five-and-thirty men, of which number 24 were natives
of Old Spain. They had one-and-thirty firearms on board the
ship for their defence. They had only fought us, as they
declared afterwards, out of bravado, having promised on
shore so to do, in case they met us at sea. The Captain of
this vessel was a person of quality, and his brother, since
the death of Don Jacinto de Barabona, killed by us in the
engagement before Panama, was now made Admiral of
the sea-armada. With him we took also in this bark five
or six other persons of quality. They did us in this fight,
though short, very great damage in our rigging, by cutting
it in pieces, besides which they wounded two of our men,
and a third man was wounded by the negligence of one of
our own men, occasioned by a pistol which went off un-
advisedly. About eleven o’clock this night we stood off to
the west.
1 An early kind of hand-gun. Other early spellings are: arkbusshe,
ha(c)quebute, hargubush, harquebuz(e), herquebuze, hagabus, etc !
THE SPANISH CAPTAIN’S RELATION 359
The next morning, about break of day, we hoisted out our
canoe, and went aboard the bark which we had taken the
night before. We transported on board our own ship more
of the prisoners taken in the said vessel, and began to examine
them, to learn what intelligence we could from them. The
Captain of the vessel, who was a very civil and meek gentle-
man, satisfied our desires in this point very exactly, saying
to us:
Gentlemen, I am now your prisoner-at-war by the over-ruling
providence of fortune, and, moreover, am very well satisfied that
no money whatsoever can procure my ransom, at least for the
present at your hands. Hence I am persuaded it ts not my
interest to tell you a lie, which if I do I desire you to punish me
as severely as you shall think fit. We heard of your taking and de-
stroying our Armadilla and other ships at Panama, about six
weeks after that engagement, by two several barks which arrived
here thence. But they could not inform us whether you designed -
to come any farther to the southward, but, rather, desired we would
send them speedily all the help by sea that we could. Hereupon
we sent the noise and rumour of your being in these seas by land
to Lima, desiring they would expedite what succours they could
send to join with ours. We had at that time in our harbour
two or three great ships, but all of them very unfit to sail. For
this reason at Lima the Viceroy of Peru pressed three great
merchant ships, into the biggest of which he put 14 brass guns,
into the second 10, and in the other 6. To these he added two
barks, and put 750 soldiers on board them all. Of this number
of men they landed eight-score at Point St Helena, all the rest
being carried down to Panama, with design to fight you there.
Besides these forces, two other men-of-war, bigger than the
aforementioned, are still lying at Lima, and fitting out there in
all speed to follow and pursue you. One of these men-of-war is
equipped with 36 brass guns, and the other with 30. These ships,
besides their complement of seamen, have 400 soldiers added to
them by the Viceroy. Another man-of-war belonging to this
number, and lesser than the aforementioned, ts called the Patache.
This ship consists of 24 guns, and was sent to Arica to fetch the
King’s plate thence. But the Viceroy, having received intelli-
gence of your exploits at Panama, sent for this ship back from
there with such haste that they came away and left the money
behind them. Hence the Patache now lies at the port of Callao,
ready to sail on the first occasion or news of your arrival there-
abouts, they having for this purpose sent to all parts very strict
orders to keep a good. look-out on all sides, and all places along
300 THE SPANISH CAPIAIN'’S RELATION
the coasts. Since this, from Manta they sent us word that they
had seen two ships at sea pass by that place. And from the
Goat Key also we heard that the Indians had seen you, and
that they were assured one of your vessels was the ship called
La Trinidad, which you had taken before Panama, as being a
ship very well known in these seas. _Hence we concluded that
your design was to ply, and make your voyage thereabouts. Now
this bark wherein you took us prisoners, being bound for Panama,
the Governor of Guayaquil sent us out before her departure, if
possible to discover you, which, 1f we did, we were to run the
bark on shore and get away, or else to fight you with these soldiers
and firearms that you see. As soon as we heard of your being
in these seas, we built two forts, the one of six guns, and the other
of four, for the defence of the town. At the last muster taken in
the town of Guayaquil we had there 850 men of all colours, but
when we came out, we left only 200 men that were actually under
arms.
Thus ended the relation of that worthy gentleman. About
noon that day we unrigged the bark which we had taken,
and after so doing sunk her. Then we stood S.S.E., and after-
wards S. by W. and S.S.W. That evening we saw point
St Helena at N. half E., at the distance of nine leagues, more
or less.
The next day, being August 26th, in the morning we stood
S. That day we cried out all our pillage, and found that it
amounted to 3,276 pieces-of-eight, which was accordingly
divided by shares amongst us. We also punished a friar,
who was chaplain to the bark aforementioned, and shot him
upon the deck, casting him overboard before he was dead.
Such cruelties, though I abhorred very much in my heart,
yet here was I forced to hold my tongue and contradict
them not, as having not authority to oversway them. At
ten o’clock this morning we saw land again, and the pilot
said we were sixteen leagues to leeward of Cabo Blanco.
Hereupon we stood off and on, close under the shore, which
all appeared to be barren land.
The morning following we had very little wind, so that
we advanced but slowly all that day. To windward of us we
could perceive the continent to be all high land, being whitish
clay, full of white cliffs. This morning, in common discourse,
our prisoners confessed to us and acknowledged the destruc-
tion of one of our little barks, which we lost on our way to
CAPE BLANCO 361
the island of Cayboa. They stood away, as it appeared by
their information, for the Goat Key, thinking to find us there,
as having heard Captain Sawkins say that he would go thither.
On their way they happened to fall in with the island of Gallo,
and understanding its weakness by their Indian pilot, they
.ventured on shore and took the place, carrying away three
white women in their company. But, after a small time of
cruising, they returned again to the aforesaid island, where
they stayed two or three days, after which they went out
to sea again. Within three or four days they came to a little
quay four leagues distant from this isle. But, whilst they
had been out and in thus several times, one of their prisoners
made his escape to the mainland, and brought off thence
50 men with firearms. These, placing themselves in ambush,
at the first volley killed six of the seven men that belonged
to the bark. The other man that was left took quarter of
the enemy, and he it was that discovered to them our design
upon the town of Guayaquil. By an observation which we
made this day we found ourselves to be in lat. 3° 50”. At this
time, our prisoners told us there was an embargo laid on all
the Spanish ships, commanding them not to stir out of the
ports, for fear of their falling into our hands at sea.
Saturday, August 28th. This morning we took out all the
water, and most part of the flour that was in Captain Cox’s
vessel. The people in like manner came on board our ship.
Having done this, we made a hole in the vessel and left her
to sink, with a small old canoe at her stern. To leeward of
Manta, a league from shore, in 18 fathom water, there runs
a great current outwards. About eleven in the forenoon we
weighed anchor, with a wind at W.N.W. turning it out.
Our number now in all being reckoned, we found ourselves
to be 140 men, two boys, and 55 prisoners, being all now
in one and the same bottom. This day we got six or seven
leagues in the wind’s eye. |
& All the day following we had a very strong S.S.W. wind,
insomuch that we were forced to sail with two reefs in our
main-top sail and one also in our fore-top sail. Here Captain
Peralta told us that the first place which the Spaniards settled
in these parts, after Panama, was Tumbes, a place that now
was to leeward of us, in this gulf where we now were. That
there a priest went ashore with a cross in his hand, while
362 THE PRIEST, LIONS, AND TIGERS
10,000 Indians stood gazing at him. Being landed on the
strand, there came out of the woods two lions; and he laid
the cross gently on their backs, and they instantly fell down
and worshipped it: and moreover, that two tigers, following
them, did the same—whereby these animals gave to the
Indians to understand the excellency of the Christian religion,
which they soon after embraced. About four in the evening
we came abreast the cape, which is the highest part of all.
The land hereabouts appeared to be barren and rocky. At
3 leagues distance east from us the cape showed thus :—
CAPE BLANCO
Were it not for a windward current which runs under the
shore hereabouts, it were totally impossible for any ships to get
about this cape, there being such a great current to leeward
in the offing. In the last bark which we took, of which we
spoke in this chapter, we made prisoner one Nicolas Moreno, a
Spaniard by nation, who was esteemed to be a very good pilot
of the South Sea. This man did not cease continually to praise
our ship for her sailing, and especially for the alterations we
had made in her. As we went along, we observed many bays
to lie between this cape and Point Parina, of which we shall
soon make mention hereafter.
In the night the wind came about to S.S.E. and we had
a very stiff gale of it; so that by break of day the next
morning we found ourselves to be about 5 leagues distant to
windward of the cape aforementioned. The land hereabouts
makes three or four several bays, and grows lower and lower
the nearer we came to Punta Parina. This point looks at
first sight like two islands. Between four and five of the
clock that evening we were W. from the said point.
The next day likewise, being the last day of August, the
wind still continued S.S.E. as it had done the whole day
before. This day we thought it convenient to stand farther
a
¢
POINT PARINA 363
out to sea, for fear of being descried at Paita, which now was
not very far distant from us. The morning proved to be
hazy—but about eleven we spied a sail, which stood then
just as we did E. by S. Coming nearer to it, by degrees we
found her to be nothing else than a pair of bark-logs under
a sail, which were going that way. Our pilot advised us not
to meddle with those logs, nor mind them in the least, for it
was very doubtful whether we should be able to come up
with them or not, and then by giving chase to them we should
easily be descried and known to be the English pirates, as
they called us. These bark-logs sail excellently well for the
most part, and some of them are of such a size that they
will carry 250 packs of meal from the valleys to Panama
without wetting any of it. This day, by an observation made,
we found ourselves to be in lat. 4° 55’ S. Point Parina at
N.E. by E., and at the distance of 6 leagues, more or less,
gives this following appearance :—
PUNTA PARINA
At the same time La Silla de Paita bore from us S.E. by
E., being distant only 7 or 8 leagues. It had the form of a
high mountain, and appeared thus to us :—
13
La SILLA DE PAITA
The town of Paita itself is situated in a deep bay, about
2 leagues to leeward of this hill. It serves for an embarcadero,
or port-town, to another great place which is distant thence
about 13 leagues higher in the country and is called Piura,
seated in a very barren country.
On Wednesday, September Ist, our course was S. by W.
The midnight before this day we had a land-wind that sprang
364 LA SILLA DE PAITA
up. In the afternoon La Silla de Paita, at the distance of
7 leagues, at E. by N. appeared thus :—
ee
ISA SILEA DEGPAITA
All along hereabouts is nothing but barren land, as was
said before: likewise, for three or four days last past, we
observed along the coasts many seals.
That night as we sailed we saw something that appeared
to us to be as it were a light. And the next morning we spied
a sail, whence we judged the light had come. The vessel
was at the distance of six leagues from us, in the wind’s eye,
and thereupon we gave her chase. She stood to windward
as we did. This day we had an observation, which gave us
lat. 5° 30'S. At night we were about 4 leagues to leeward of
her, but so great a mist fell that we suddenly lost sight of her.
At this time the weather was as cold with us as in England
in November. Every time we went about with our ship the
other did the like. Our pilot told us that this ship set forth
from Guayaquil eleven days before they were taken, and
that she was laden with rigging, woollen and common cloth,
and other manufactures made at Quito. Moreover, that he
had heard that they had spent a mast, and had put into
Paita to refit it.
The night following they showed us several lights through
their negligence, which they ought not to have done, for by
that means we steered directly after them. The next morn-
ing she was more than 3 leagues in the wind’s eye distant
from us. Had they suspected us, it could not be doubted
but they would have made away towards the land, but they
seemed not to fly nor stir for our chase. The land here all
along is level, and not very high. The weather was hazy,
so that at about eleven o’clock that morning we lost sight
of her. At this time we had been for the space of a whole
week, at an allowance of only two draughts of water each
day, so scarce were provisions with us. That afternoon we
saw the vessel again, and at night we were not full two leagues
CAPTURE OF THE SPANISH SHIP 365
distant from her, and not more than half-a-league to leeward.
We made short trips all the night long.
On Saturday, September 4th, about break of day, we saw
the ship again at the distance of a league, more or less, and
not above a mile to windward of us. They stood out as soon
as they espied us, and we stood directly after them. Having
pursued them for several hours, about four o’clock in the
afternoon, we came up within the distance of half our small-
arms shot, to windward of them. Hereupon they, perceiving
who we were, presently lowered all their sails at once, and
we cast dice among ourselves for the first entrance. The lot
fell to larboard, so that 20 men belonging to that watch
entered her. In the vessel were found 50 packs of coco-nut,
such as chocolate is made of, many packs of raw silk, Indian
cloth, and thread stockings: these things being the principal
part of her cargo. We stood out S.W. by S. all the night
following.
The next day being come, we transported on board our
ship the chief part of her lading. In her hold we found some
rigging, as had been told us by Nicholas Moreno, our pilot,
taken in the former vessel off Guayaquil; but the greatest
part of the hold was full of timber. We took out of her also
some osnaburgs!, of which we made top-gallant sails, as shall
be said hereafter. It was now nineteen days, as they told us,
since they had set sail from Guayaquil, and then they had
only heard there of our exploits before Panama, but did not
so much as think of our coming so far to the southward,
which did not give them the least suspicion of us, though
they had seen us for the space of two or three days before at
sea and always steering after them—otherwise they had
made for the land, and endeavoured to escape our hands.
The next morning, likewise, we continued to take in the
remaining part of what goods we desired out of our prize.
When we had done, we sent most of our prisoners on board
the said vessel, and left only their foremast standing, all the
rest being cut down by the board. We gave them a foresail
to sail withal, all their own water, and some of our flour to
serve them for provisions, and thus we turned them away,
not caring to be troubled or encumbered with too many of
their company. Notwithstanding, we detained still several
1 Coarse linens, originally exported from Osnaburg, in Germany.
366 THE VOYAGE TOWARDS ARICA
of the chief of our prisoners. Such were Don Thomas de
Argandona, who was Commander of the vessel taken before
Guayaquil, Don Christoval, and Don Baltazar, both gentle-
men of quality taken with him, Captain Peralta, Captain Juan
Moreno, the pilot, and twelve slaves, of whom we intended
to make good use, to do the drudgery of our ship. At this
time I reckoned that we were about the distance of 35 leagues,
little more or less, from land; moreover, by an observation
made this day, we found lat. 7° 1’ S. Our plunder being
over and our prize turned away, we sold both chests, boxes,
and several other things at the mast, by the voice of a crier.
On the following day we stood S.S.W. and S.W. by S. all
day long. That day one of our company died, named Robert
Montgomery, the same man who was shot by the negligence
of one of our own men with a pistol through the leg at the
taking of the vessel before Guayaquil, as was mentioned
above. We had an observation also this day, by which we
now found lat. 7° 26’ S. On the same day likewise we made
a dividend, and shared all the booty taken in the last prize.
This being done, we hoisted into our ship the launch which
we had taken in her, as being useful to us. All these days
last past it was observed that we had every morning a dark
cloud in the sky, which in the North Sea would certainly
foretell a storm—but here it always blew over.
Wednesday, September 8th, in the morning, we threw our
dead man above-mentioned into the sea, and gave him
three French volleys for his funeral ceremony. In the night
before this day we saw a light belonging to some vessel at
sea, but we stood away from it, as not desiring to see any
more sails to hinder us in our voyage towards Arica, whither
now we were designed. This light was undoubtedly from
some ship to leeward of us, but on the next morning we
could descry no sail. Here I judged we had made a S.W.
by S. way from Paita, and by an observation found 8° 00’ S.
CHAPTER XIII
A continuation of their long and tedious voyage to Arica, with a
description of the coasts and sailings thereunto. Great hard-
ship they endured for want of water and other provisions.
They are descried at Arica, and dare not land there—the
country being all in arms before them. They retire thence,
and go to Puerto de Hilo, close by Arica. Here they land,
take the town with little or no loss on thew side, refresh
themselves with provisions, but in the end are cheated by
the Spaniards, and forced shamefully to retreat thence
On September gth we continued still to make a S.W. by S.
way, as we had done the day before. By a clear and exact
observation, taken the same day, we found now lat. 8° 12’ S.
All the twenty-four hours last past afforded us but little wind,
so that we advanced but little on our voyage, and were forced
to tack about every four or five hours.
The next day, by another observation taken, we found
then lat. 9° 00'S. Now the weather was much warmer than
before, and with this warmth we had small and misty rains
that frequently fell. That evening a strong breeze came
up at S.E. by E.
The night following, likewise, we had a very great dew
that fell, and a fresh wind continued to blow. At this time
we were all hard at work to make small sails of the osnaburgs
we had taken in the last prize, as being much more convenient
for their lightness. The next morning being Saturday,
September 11th, we lay by to mend our rigging. These last
twenty-four hours we had made a S. by W. way. And now
we had an observation that gave us lat. 10° 9’ S. I supposed
this day that we were west from Cosmey, about the distance
of eighty-nine leagues and a half.
September 12th. This day we reckoned a S.S.W. way,
367
368 THE VOYAGE, [OQ ARICA
and that we had made 34 leagues and three-quarters, or
thereabouts. Also that all our westing from Paita was
eighty-four leagues. We supposed ourselves now to be in
lat. 11° 40’ S. But, the weather being hazy, no observation
could be made.
September 13th. Yesterday in the afternoon we had a
great eclipse of the sun, which lasted from one o’clock till
three after dinner. From this eclipse I then took the true
judgment of our longitude from the Canary Islands, and
found myself to be 285° 35’, in lat. 11° 45'S. The wind was
now so fresh that we took in our top-sails, making a great —
way under our courses and sprit-sail.
September 14th we had a cloudy morning, which con-
tinued so all the first part thereof. About eight it cleared
up, and then we set our fore-topsail and, about noon, our
main-topsail likewise. This was observable, that all this
great wind precedent did not make anything of a great sea.
We reckoned this day that we had run by a S.W. by W. way,
26 leagues and two-thirds.
The next day, in like manner, we had close weather, such
as the former morning. Our reckoning was twenty-four
leagues and two-thirds, bya S.W. by W. way. But, by obser-
vation made, I found myself to be 23° S. of my reckoning,
as being in the lat. of 15° 17’ S.
On the 16th we had but small and variable winds. For
the twenty-four hours last past we reckoned 24 leagues and
two-thirds, by a S.W. by S. way. By observation we had
lat. 16° 41’.. That evening we had a gale at E.S.E. which
forced us to hand our top-sails.
The 17th, likewise, we had many gusts of wind at several
times, forcing us to hand our top-sails often. But in the
forenoon we set them with a fresh gale at E.S.E. My reckon-
ing this day was 31 leagues, by a S.S.W. way. All day long
we stood by our top-sails.
On the 18th we made a S. by W. way. We reckoned
ourselves to be in lat. 19° 33'S. The weather was hazy, and
the wind began to die this day by degrees.
The next day, being the 1gth, we had very small wind.
I reckoned 13 leagues and a-half, by a S.W. by S. way, and
our whole westing from Paita to be 164 leagues in lat. 20° 00'S.
All the afternoon we had a calm, with drizzling rain.
THE VOYAGE TO ARICA 369
Monday, September 2oth. Last night we saw the clouds,
which are so famous among the Magellan mariners of these
Southern seas. The least of these clouds was about the
bigness of a man’s hat. After this sight the morning was
very clear. We had run at noon at E.S.E. 13 leagues and
a-half, and, by an observation then made, we found lat.
20° 15'S. This day the wind began to freshen at W. by S.
Yet, notwithstanding, we had a very smooth sea.
But on the next morning the wind came about to S.W.,
and yet slackened by degrees. At four this morning it came
to S. by E., and at ten the same day to S.E. by S. We had
had this day a clear observation, and by it lat. 20° 25’S. We
stood now E. by N., with the wind at S.E.
September 22nd. This morning the wind was at E.S.E.
By a clear observation we found lat. 19° 30’ S. Likewise on
a N.E. by E. way.
September 23rd. We had a fresh wind and a high sea.
This morning early the wind was at E. and about ten at
E.N.E. From a clear observation we found our latitude to
be 20° 35'S. The way we made was S. by W. That morning
we happened to split our sprit-sail.
Next morning the wind was variable and inconstant,
and the weather but hazy. We reckoned a S. by E. way:
this day we bent a new main-topsail, the old one serving
for a fore-topsail. In the afternoon we had but little wind,
whereupon we lowered our top-sails, having in like manner a
very smooth sea.
The following day, likewise, brought us calm and warm
weather, which occasioned us to set up our shrouds both fore
and aft. An observation taken this day afforded us lat.
21° 57’. That evening we bent a sprit-sail.
On September 26th an observation gave us lat. 22° 05’ S.
At noon we had a breeze at N.N.E., our course being E.S.E.
In the afternoon we set up a larboard top-sail studding-
sail. In the evening the wind came about at N. pretty
fresh.
The next day we had a smooth sea, and took in four
studding-sails. For yesterday in the afternoon we had put
out, besides that above-mentioned, another studding-sail and
two main studding-sails more. This day we had by observa-
tion 22° 45’ S., having made by an E.S.E. way thirty-five
2B
370 THE VOYAGE TO ARICA
leagues and a-half—our whole meridian difference 68 leagues
and a-half.
September 28th. All the forenoon we had very little wind,
and yet withal a great southern sea. By observation we
had lat. 22° 40°:S. |
September 29th. All the night past we had much wind,
with three or four fierce showers of rain. This was the first
that we could call rain, ever since we left Cape Francisco
above-mentioned. This day our allowance was shortened,
and reduced to three-pints-and-a-half of water, and one
cake of boiled bread to each man for a day. An observation
this day gave us lat. 21° 59’ S. by a N.E. by E. way.
On September 30th we had a cloudy day, and the wind
very variable, the morning being fresh. Our way was N.E.
half N., wherein we made 18 leagues.
October Ist. All the night past and this day we had a
cloudy sky and not much wind. We madeaN.E. by E. way,
and by it 17 leagues and two miles. This day we began at
two-pints-and-a-half of water for a day.
The 2nd, we made a E.N.E. way, and by it 26 leagues,
more or less. Our observation this day gave us lat. 20° 29’ S.
I reckoned now that we were Io leagues and a-half to E. of
our meridian, the port of Paita, so that henceforward our
departure was eastward. The wind was this day at S.E. by S.
On the 3rd we had both a cloudy morning, a high sea, and
drizzling weather. An observation which we had this day
save us lat. 19° 45’ S. In the afternoon the wind blew so
iresh that we were forced to hand our top-sails and sprit-
sail,
The 4th, likewise, we had a high sea and a cold wind. At
break of day we set our top-sails. An observation made
afforded us lat. 19° 8’ S. Here we supposed ourselves fifty-
nine leagues D.M.
The 5th, we had still a great sea, and sharp and cold winds,
forcing us to our low sails. By aN.E. by E. way we reckoned
this day 26 leagues and a-half.
But on the 6th we had great gusts of wind. Insomuch
that this morning our ring-bolts gave way which held our
main-stay, and had like to have brought our main-mast by the
board. Hereupon we ran three or four glasses west before
the wind. By an observation we found lat. 19° 4’ S.
THE VOYAGE TO ARICA 371
On October 7th the wind had somewhat fallen. We had
both a cloudy day and variable winds.
The 8th of the said month we had again a smooth sea and
small whiffling winds. This morning we saw a huge shoal
of fish, two or three water-snakes, and several seals.
On the next day we had in like manner a very smooth sea,
and withal a cloudy day. Our course was E.
October roth. We had likewise a cloudy day, with small
and variable winds, and, what is consequent to these, a
smooth sea. Our way was S. by E. This day we spied
floating upon the sea several tufts of sea-grass, which gave
us good hopes that we were not far from shore. In the after-
noon we had a N.E. by E. wind that sprang up: the night
was very cold and cloudy.
On the 11th we had a fresh wind at S.E. and E.S.E. together
with a cloudy day, such as we had experienced for several
days before. We reckoned this day 32 leagues by a N.E. by
E. way. Here our pilot told us that the sky is always hazy
near the shore upon these coasts where we now were.
On October 12th we had a clear day, and N.E. way.
The 13th we had but little wind. This day we saw a whale,
which we took for an infallible token that we were not far
distant from land, which now we hoped to see in a few days.
We made an E.S.E. way, and by it we reckoned nineteen
leagues. All the evening was very calm.
Thursday, October 14th, we had both a calm and close
day until the afternoon. Then the weather became very
hot and clear. This day we saw several land-fowls, being
but small birds, concerning which our pilot said that they
use to appear about one or two days’ sail from the land.
Our reckoning was 11 leagues by an E.S.E. way. In the
evening of this day we thought that we had seen land, but
it proved to be nothing else than a fog-bank.
October 15th. Both the night past and this day was very
clear. We made an observation this day, which gave us
lat. 18° 00’ S.
The 16th. Last night and this day were contrary to the
former, both cloudy. Our way was N.E. by E. whereof we
reckoned 13 leagues.
Sunday, October 17th, the wind blew very fresh, our
course being E.N.E. About five that morning we saw land,
379 THE POINT OF HILO
but the weather was so hazy that at first we could scarce
perceive whether it was land or not. It was distant from
us about eight leagues, and appeared as a high and round
hill, being in form like a sugar-loaf. We saw land afterwards
all along to the S.E. by E. from it. In the evening, we being
then within 5 leagues of the shore, the land appeared very
high and steep.
October 18th. All the night last past we stood off to sea
with a fresh wind. This morning we could just see land at
N.N.E. We reckoned a S.E. by E. way, and by observation
we tound Jat, 17° -177:S,
Tuesday, October 19th. We had very cloudy weather,
finding what our pilot had told us to be very true concerning
the haziness of this shore. We saw all along as we went
very high land, covered with clouds, insomuch that we could
not see its top.
On Wednesday, the next day, we had likewise cloudy
weather, and for the most part calm. The same weather
being very cloudy, as before, continued in like manner on
Thursday.
Friday, October 22nd. This morning we saw the land
plain before us. Our pilot, being asked what land that was,
answered it was the Point of Hilo. At N.N.E. and about
6 or 7 leagues distance it appeared thus to us :—
PUNTA DE HILo DAT AS" 4% Ss
There is every morning and evening a brightness over
the point which lasted for two or three hours, being caused
by the reflection of the sun on the barren land, as it is sup-
posed. This day we had but little wind, and the huge want
of water we were now under occasioned much disturbance
among our men. As for my part, I must acknowledge I
could not sleep all night long through the greatness of my
drought. We could willingly have landed here to seek for
water, but the fear of being discovered and making ourselves
known hindered us from so doing. Thus we unanimously
THE POINT OF HILO 373
resolved to endure our thirst for a little longer. Hereabouts
is a small current that runs under the shore. This morning
we had but little wind at S., our course being E.S.E. The
point at the distance of 5 leagues N.E. looks on the following
side thus :—
PUNTA DE HILo
Our wind continued to blow not about six hours each day.
We reckoned the difference of our meridian to be this day
180 leagues. Very great was our affliction now for want of
water, we having but half-a-pint a day to our allowance.
October 23rd. This day we were forced to spare one
measure of water, thereby to make it hold out the longer,
so scarce it became with us. At three this afternoon the point
looked thus :—
22 oe
SUK, Se OE
PuNTA DE HILo MorA DE SAMA
Here the point looks like an island, and Mora de Sama
to the southward thereof, gives this appearance :—
MorA DE SAMA
At about nine o’clock at night we had a land wind, and
with it we stood S.E. by S., but all the night after we had
but little wind.
374 MORA DE SAMA
October 24th, All the night past we had very cloudy and
dark weather, with mizzling rain. The morning being come
it cleared up, but all the land appeared covered with clouds,
Yet, notwithstanding, in the afternoon it gave us again this
appearance ;—
2 As
Carls nt aaah am ALLS
MorA DE SAMA EAT LSt 20° o:
Under the hill of Mora de Sama are eighteen or nineteen
white cliffs, which appear in the form thus described. This
day we resolved that 112 men should go ashore, and at about
eight this evening we sent our launch and four canoes, with
four-score men, to take three or four fishermen at a certain
river, close by Mora de Sama, called El Rio de Juan Diaz,
with intent to gain what intelligence we could as to how affairs
stood at present on the coast and country thereabouts.
Monday, October 25th. Last night being about the distance
of one-league-and-a-half from shore, we sounded, and found
forty-five fathom water, with a hard ground at the bottom.
This morning our people and canoes that were sent to take
the fishermen returned, not being able to find either their
houses or the river. They reported withal they had had a
very fresh wind all the night long under shore, whereas we
had not one breath of wind all night on board.
Tuesday, October 26th. Last night, being the night before
this day, about six o’clock we departed from the ship to go
to take Arica, resolving to land about the distance of a league
to windward of the town. We were about 6 leagues distant
from the town when we left our ship, whereby we were forced
to row all night, that we might reach the place of our landing
before day. Towards morning the canoes left the launch,
which they had had all night in tow and wherein I was, and
made all the speed they possibly could for the shore, with
design to land before the launch could arrive. But, being
come nigh the place where we designed to land, they found
to our great sorrow and vexation that we were descried, and
THE APPROACH TO ARICA 375
that all along the shore and through the country they had
certain news of our arrival. Yet, notwithstanding our dis-
covery, we would have landed if we could by any means
have found a place to do it in. But the sea ran so high, and
with such a force against the rocks, that our boats must have |
each been staved into one thousand pieces, and we in great
danger of wetting our arms, if we should adventure to go on
shore. The bay all round, and likewise the tops of the hills,
was possessed by several parties of horse which seemed to be
gathered there by a general alarm through the whole country,
and they waited only for our landing, with design to make
a strong opposition against us. They fired a gun at us, but
we made them no answer, but rather returned to our ship,
giving over this enterprise until a fairer opportunity. The
hill of Arica is very white, being occasioned by the dung
of multitudes of fowls that nest themselves in the hollow
thereof. To leeward of the said hill lies a small island at the
distance of a mile, more or less, from the shore. About
half-a-league from that island we could perceive six ships to
ride at anchor, four of which had their yards taken down
from their masts, but the other two seemed to be ready to
sail. We asked our pilot concerning these ships, and he
told us that one of them was mounted with six guns, and the
other with only four. Being disappointed of our expectations
at Arica, we now resolved to bear away thence to the village
of Hilo, there to take in water and other provisions, as also
to learn what intelligence we could obtain. All that night we
lay under a calm.
On October 27th, in the morning, we found ourselves to
be about a league to windward of Mora de Sama. Yet, not-
withstanding, the weather was quite calm, and we only
drove with the current to leeward. The land between Hilo
and Mora de Sama forms two several bays, and the coast
runs along N.W. and S.E., as may appear by the following
demonstration. Over the land we could see from our ship,
as we drifted, the coming or rising of a very high land, at a
great distance far up in the country.
October 28th. The night before this day we sent away
our four canoes with 50 men in them, to seize and plunder
the town of Hilo. All that day was very calm, as the day
before.
376 THE, POR L-OF HILO
The next morning, about break of day, a fair breeze sprang
up, with which we lay right in with the port. About one in
the afternoon we anchored, and the port lies thus, as is here
described :—
Port oF HILo
We cast anchor at the distance of two miles from the
village, and then we perceived two flags, which our men had
put out, having taken the town and set up our English colours.
The Spaniards were retreated to the hills, and there had done
the same. Being come to an anchor, our Commander, Captain
Sharp, sent a canoe on board of us, and ordered that all the
men our ship could spare should come ashore. Withal they
told us that those of our party that landed the morning
before were met by some horsemen on the shore, who only
exchanged some few volleys of shot with our men, but were
soon put to flight. That hereupon our forces had marched
directly to the town, where the Spaniards, expecting we
should have landed at first, had made a breastwork, thirty
paces long, of clay and banks of sand. Here, in a small
skirmish, we happened to kill an Indian, who told us before
he died that they had received news of our coming nine days
ago, from Lima, and but one day before from Arica. Having
taken the town, we found therein great quantity of pitch,
tar, oil, wine, and flour, with several other sorts of provisions.
We endeavoured to keep as good a watch as the Spaniards
did on the hills, fearing lest they should suddenly make an
attempt to destroy us.
On the next day, October 30th, we chose out three-score
men of them who were the fittest to march, from among
the rest, and ordered them to go up and search the valley
adjoining and belonging to the town. We found the said
valley to be very pleasant, being all over set with fig, olive,
orange, lemon, and lime-trees, with many other fruits agree-
able to the palate. About four miles up, within the valley,
we came to a great sugar-works, or ingenio d’azucar, as it is
called by the Spaniards, where we found great store of sugar,
THE SUGAR-WORKS 377
oil, and molasses, but most of the sugar the owners had
hidden from us in the cane itself. As we marched up the valley
the Spaniards marched along the hills, and observed our
motion. From the tops of the hills they often tumbled down
great stones upon us, but with great care we endeavoured
to escape those dangers, and the report of our gun would
suddenly cause them all to hide their heads. From this
house, I mean the sugar-works above-mentioned, Mr Cox,
myself, and one Cannis, a Dutchman (who was then our
interpreter), went to the Spaniards with a flag of truce. They
met us very civilly, and promised to give us four-score beeves
as ransom of the sugar-work upon condition that it should
not be spoilt nor demolished. We agreed with them that
they should be delivered to us at the port next day at noon.
Hereupon Captain Sharp, in the evening, sent down to the
port 20 men, with strict orders that our forces there should
offer no violence to those that brought down the beeves.
Sunday, October 31st. This day being employed in casting
up some accounts belonging to our navigation, I reckoned
that Hilo was to the eastward of Paita one hundred and
eighty-seven leagues. This morning the Captain of the
Spaniards came to our Commander, Captain Sharp, with a
flag of truce, and told him that sixteen beeves were already
sent down to the port and that the rest should certainly be
there the next morning. Hereupon we were ordered to prepare
ourselves to retreat, and march back to the port, and there
embark ourselves on board our ship. My advice was to the
contrary, that we should rather leave 20 men behind to
keep the house of the sugar-works, and that others should
possess themselves of the hills, thereby to clear them of the
Spaniards and their look-out. But, my counsel not being
regarded, each man took away what burden of sugar he
pleased, and thus we returned to our vessel. Being come
there, we found no beeves had been brought down at all,
which occasioned us much to suspect some double-dealing
would in the latter end be found in this case.
The next morning, November Ist, our Captain went to
the top of the hills aforementioned, and spoke with the
Spaniards themselves concerning the performance of their
agreement. The Spaniards made answer that the cattle
would certainly come down this night, but, in case they did
378 THE BUCCANEERS TAKE REVENGE
not, that the master or owner of the sugar-works had now
returned from Potosi, and we might go up and treat with
him, and make, if we pleased, a new bargain for the preserva-
tion of his house and goods, it being his interest more than
theirs to save it from being demolished. With this answer
our men returned to us, and we decided to wait until the
next day for the delivery of the beeves.
On the following day, about eight in the morning, there
came in to us a flag of truce from the enemy, telling us that
the winds were so high that they could not drive the cattle,
otherwise they had been delivered before now. But withal
that by noon we should in no manner fail to have them
brought to us. Noon being come and no cattle appearing,
we, now having filled our water and finished other concerns,
resolved to be revenged on the enemy, and do them what
mischief we could, at least by setting fire to the sugar-works.
Hereupon three-score men of us marched up the valley,
and burnt both the house, the canes, and the mill belonging
to the ingenio. We broke likewise the coppers, coggs, and
multitudes of great jars of oil that we found in the house.
This being done, we brought away more sugar, and returned
to the port over the hills or mountains, which we found to
be very pleasant, smooth, and level after once we had ascended
them. It fell out very fortunately to us that we returned
back this way, for otherwise our men at the seaside had
inevitably been cut off and torn in pieces by the enemy,
they being at that time dispersed and straggling up and down
in parties of two and three. For from the hills we spied
coming from the northward of the bay above 300 horsemen,
all riding at full speed towards our men, who had not as yet
descried them and little thought of any such danger from
the enemy so nigh at hand. Being alarmed with this sight,
we threw down what sugar we had and ran incontinently to
meet them, thereby to give our other men time to rally and
put themselves into a posture of defence. We being in good
rank and order, fairly proffered them battle upon the bay ;
but, as we advanced to meet them, they retired and rode
towards the mountains to surround us and take the rocks
from us, if they possibly could. Hereupon, perceiving their
intentions, we returned back and possessed ourselves of the
said rocks, and also of the lower town, as the Spaniards
THE BUCCANEERS RETIRE 379
themselves did of the upper town (at the distance of half-a-
mile from the lower), the hills and the woods adjoining
thereunto. The horsemen, being now in possession of these
quarters, we could perceive as far as we could see more and
more men resort to them, so that their forces increased
hourly to considerable numbers. We fired one at another as
long as we could reach and the day would permit. But in
the meanwhile we observed that several of them rode to the
watch-hill, and looked out often to the sea-board. This
gave us occasion to fear that they had more strength and
forces coming that way which they expected every minute.
Hereupon, lest we should speed worse than we had done
before, we resolved to embark silently in the dark of the
night, and go off from the coast where we had been so early
descried and the enemy was so much prepared against us.
We carried off a great chest of sugar, whereof we shared
seven-pound-weight-and-a-half each man, thirty jars of oil,
and great plenty of all sorts of garden herbs, roots, and most
excellent fruit.
of Hilo
Wile ngxt the Sea
@
The Creeh
~
as vw
et
CHAPTER XIV
The Buccaneers depart from the Port of Hilo, and sail to that
of Coquimbo. They are descried before their arrival. Not-
withstanding they land ; are encountered by the Spaniards ;
and put them to flight. They take, plunder, and fire the City
of La Serena. A description thereof. A stratagem of the
Spaniards, in endeavouring to fire their ship, discovered and
prevented. They are deceived again by the Spaniards, and
forced to retire from Coquimbo without any ransom for the
City or considerable pillage. They release several of their
chief prisoners
THE next morning, being Wednesday, November 3rd, 1670,
about seven o'clock, we set sail from Hilo, standing directly
off to sea, with a small land-wind. Upon the shore we could
not discover this morning above 50 men of our enemies’
forces, which caused us to suspect the rest were run away
from their colours and had deserted in the dark of the night.
If this were so, we were equally afraid of each other, and,
as we quitted the land being jealous of their multitudes, so
they abandoned their stations for fear of our encounters.
All the while we lay in the Port of Hilo, we had a fresh wind,
but now, being come out thence, we found it was almost
stark calm. Hereabouts runs a great sea all along this coast,
as we experimented at Arica, insomuch that there is no
landing except under the favour of some rock or other.
November 4th, in the morning, we saw the Port of Hilo
at E.N.E., at the distance of 9 leagues, more or less, from
the land. The white sand gives a bright reflection over the
land, which we could see after we had lost sight of the land
itself.
The next day to this we had an indifferent fresh wind at
9.S.E. We reckoned a S.W. half W. way, and, by it, that
380
DEPARTURE FROM HILO 381
we had made 20 leagues. The day was very fair and sun-
shiny and the sea very smooth.
November 6th. We had a clear night the last past, and
the day proved very fair and clear, like the former. We
reckoned by a S.W. by W. way about 21 leagues. In the
afternoon it was almost stark calm.
On the following day we had in like manner very little
wind, no more than the last twenty-four hours. We were
now about this time many of us very much troubled and
diseased with the scurvy. It proceeded, as we judged, from
the great hardship and want of provisions which we had
endured for several months past, as having-had only bread
and water, as was mentioned above. Only at Hilo we killed
a mule, which gave to those who would eat of the flesh a
very good meal, as we esteemed it, the Spaniards having
swept away with them all other provisions of flesh. But
there we had plundered some small quantity of good choco-
late, whereof the Spaniards make infinite use. So that now
we had each morning a dish of that pleasant liquor, containing
almost a pint.
Next day likewise we had very little wind, as before. We
made an observation this day, and found lat. 20° 05’S.
November 9th we had still very little wind, and that
variable. We took almost every hour an observation, and
found ourselves to be in lat. 20° 18’ S.
The roth we had in like manner but little wind, as for so
many days before. We observed an E.S.E. current, or nearest
to it, to run hereabouts. This day we saw the homing of a
very high land, which we much admired, for at this time
I conceived we could not be less than 35 or 40 leagues distant
from land. We supposed it to be Mora Tarapaca. That
day we set up our shrouds.
Upon the 11th an indifferent gale of wind sprang up at
S.W. by S., by which we made twenty-five leagues and one-
third. We had now a great S.S.W. sea. In the night the
wind we found came one or two points from the land. This
morning we saw the like homing of land, whereby we were
made sensible that it was no land which we had seen the day
before.
On the 12th we had several mists of rain, with windy
weather. We made by a S.S.W. half S. way, 25 leagues and
382 DEPARTURE FROM HILO
one-third. We had likewise a great and rolling S.S.W. sea,
as the day before.
The 13th of the said month we had both cloudy and misty
weather. We made a S.S.W. and one-quarter S. way, by
which we ran 50 leagues.
But the next day fair and clear weather came about again.
We had likewise an easy gale of wind, by which we made
a S.W. way and advanced 22 leagues and-a-half.
On November 15th, we had also clear weather and an
indifferent gale of wind. Our way was S.W. by W., by
which we reckoned 18 leagues. Likewise that our westing
from Hilo, whence we had set forth, was 114 leagues and
one-third. By observation we found lat. 23° 25’. I took
now the declination-table used and made by the cosmographer
of Lima.
Tuesday, November 16th. Last night we had a shower
or two of rain. By observation we found lat. 23° 35’ S.
The 17th we made a S.W. by W. half S. way. By
observation we found lat. 23° 46’ S. with very little
wind.
The 18th upon a S.W. by W. way we made 2r leagues.
By observation we found lat. 24° 20’ S.
Friday, November 19th, 1680. This morning about an
hour before day we observed a comet to appear a degree N.
from the bright in Libra. The body thereof seemed dull,
and its tail extended itself 18 or 20 degrees in length, being
of a pale colour and pointing directly N.N.W. Our prisoners
hereupon reported to us that the Spaniards had seen very
strange sights, both at Lima, the capital city of Peru, Guaya-
quil, and other places, much about the time of our coming
into the South Seas. I reckoned this day we had run 20
leagues by a S.W. way.
The day following the appearance of the comet we had
many storms of wind at S.S.E. and E.S.E. Our reckoning
by a S.W. by W. way was 22 leagues.
Sunday, November 21st, we had likewise many gusts of
wind, such as the day before, with frequent showers of rain.
The wind varied to and fro, according as the clouds drew
it here and there. We reckoned a S.S.W. way, and, by it, 21
leagues and a-half. In all, W. from Hilo, we judged ourselves
to be 178 leagues and two-thirds. We had this day a great
DEPARTURE FROM HILO 383
S.W. Sea, and cloudy weather. I supposed our latitude to
be 26° 53’ S.
November 22nd we had in like manner cloudy weather,
and now but little wind. We reckoned a S. way, and 51
leagues.
The 23rd we had very little wind, all the storm after the
appearance of the comet being now quite allayed. We
reckoned we had made a S.E. by E. way. By observation
found lat. 27° 46’ S.
Wednesday, November 24th. All the last twenty-four
hours we had a N.W. wind. Our way was S.E. half S., by
which we reckoned 31 leagues and one-third.
The 25th. Last night the wind blew at W.S.W., but this
morning it came about again at N.W. as the day before.
Our reckoning this day was a S.E. and one-quarter E. way,
29 leagues and one-third. Lat., by observation 39° 57’ S.
Our difference of meridian 1354.
November 26th. In the night the wind started to $.S.W.,
but this day at noon we had little better than a calm. I
reckoned an E.S.E. half E. way, and, by it, 23 leagues.
Saturday, 27th. Yesterday in the evening the wind came
to S. I reckoned an E. and something S. way, and, by that,
23 leagues, as the day before this.
November 28th. All the last twenty-four hours we enjoyed
a fresh wind at S.S.E., having a high S.W. sea. Our reckoning
was an E. by N. and half N. way, and withal 24 leagues.
By observation lat. 30° 16’ S. and meridian distance 88
leagues. At noon the wind came at S. half E.
On the 29th we had a very great S.W. sea, and withal
cloudy weather. My reckoning was by an E. one-third S.
way, 20 leagues and one-third. This day we happened to
see two or three great fowls flying in the air, concerning
which our pilot told us that they used to appear 70 or 80
leagues off from the island called Juan Fernandez. The
day before this Captain Peralta, our prisoner, was taken very
frantic, his distemper being occasioned, as we thought,
through too much hardship and melancholy. Notwith-
standing, this present day he became indifferent! well again.
The following day we had likewise cloudy weather. We
made, according to our account, an E. half N. way, and by
1 See note on p. 87.
384 LA CIUDAD DE LA SERENA
it 16 leagues and two-thirds. Our meridian difference 52
leagues.
December 1st. We had hazy weather, and withal an
indifferent good wind at S., yea, sometimes S. by W. Our
way was E. by S., by which we reckoned 22 leagues. The
night before this day we sailed over white water like banks,
of a mile in length or more. But these banks, upon examina-
tion, we found to be only great shoals of anchovies.
On December 2nd, very early in the morning, we espied
land, which appeared to be very high. About noon this
day we were 6 leagues distance from it. All the preceding
night we had so much wind that we were forced to make
use only of a pair of courses. By an observation made this
day, we found lat. 30° 35'S. We went away largely, driving
better than nine leagues every watch. With this wind we
made all the sail we possibly could, designing by this means
to get into Coquimbo, upon which coast we now were, before
night. But the wind was so high that sometimes we were
forced to lower all our sail, it blowing now a mere fret of wind.
Towards the evening it abated by degrees, insomuch that
at midnight it was stark calm again. At that time we hoisted
out our launch and canoes, and, putting into them 100 men,
we rowed away from the ship with design to take by surprisal
a considerable city, situated nigh unto the coast, called by
the Spaniards La Ciudad de la Serena.
Friday, December 3rd, 1679. When we departed from the
ship, we had above 2 leagues, more or less, to row to the
shore. But, as it happened, the launch (wherein I was)
rowed so heavily in comparison to the canoes that we could
not keep pace with the said boats. For this reason and no
other, it was broad day before we got to a certain storehouse
situated upon the shore, which we found our men had passed
by in the dark of the night, without perceiving it. They,
being landed, immediately marched away from their canoes
towards the city aforementioned of La Serena, but they had
not proceeded far on their march when they found, to the
great sorrow and chagrin of us all, that we were discovered
here also, as we had been at the other two places before, to
wit Arica and Hilo. For, as they marched ina body together
being but thirty-five men in all, who were all those that were
landed out of the canoes, they were suddenly encountered
CAPTURE OF LA SERENA _ 385
and engaged by a whole troop of an hundred Spanish horse.
We that were behind, hearing the noise of the dispute,
followed them at their heels, and made all the haste we
possibly could to come up to their relief. But, before we
could reach the place of battle, they had already routed the
Spaniards and forced them to fly away towards the town.
Notwithstanding this rout given to the horse, they rallied
again at a distance of about a mile from that place, and
seemed as if they did wait for us and would engage us anew.
But, as soon as all our forces were come together, whereof
we could make but fourscore-and-eight men in all, the rest
being left behind to guard the boats, we marched towards
them and offered them battle. As we came nigh unto them,
we clearly found they designed no such thing, for they in-
stantly retired and rode away before us, keeping out of the
reach of our guns. We followed them as they rode, being led
by them designedly clear out of the road that went to the
town, that we might not reach nor find it so soon. In this
engagement with the horse our company had killed three of
their chief men and wounded four more, killing also four of
their horses. When we found that we had been led by this
stratagem of the enemy out of the way of the town, we left
the bay and crossed over the green fields to find it, wading
oftentimes over several branches of water, which there serve
to enclose each plot of ground. Upon this march we came
to several houses, but found them all empty and swept clean
both of inhabitants and provisions. We saw likewise several
horses and other heads of cattle in the fields, as we went
along towards the City. This place of La Serena our pilot
had reported to us to be but a small town, but, being arrived
there, we found in it no fewer than seven great churches
and one chapel belonging thereto. Four of these churches
were monasteries or convents, and each church had its organ
for the performance of divine service. Several of the houses
had their orchards of fruit and gardens belonging to them,
both houses and gardens being as well and as neatly furnished
as those in England. In these gardens we found strawberries
as big as walnuts and very delicious to the taste. In a word,
everything in this city of La Serena was most excellent and
delicate, and far beyond what we could expect in so remote
a place. The town was inhabited by all sorts of tradesmen,
2c
386 LA SERENA
and besides them had its merchants, some of which were
accounted to be very rich.
The inhabitants of La Serena, upon our approach and
discovery, were all fled, carrying with them whatever was
most precious of their goods and jewels, or less cumbersome
to them. Much of their valuable things they had likewise
concealed or buried, having had time since we were first
discovered so to do. Besides, they had had warning enough
to beware of us, sent them over land from Arica and several
other places where we had landed or been descried at sea.
Notwithstanding, we took in the town one friar and two
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Chilenos, or Spaniards, natives of the Kingdom of Chile,
which adjoins that of Peru, towards the Strait of Magellan.
These prisoners related to us that the Spaniards, when they
heard of our coming, had killed most of the Chilian slaves,
fearing lest they should run or revolt from them to us. More-
over, that we had been descried from their coasts four days
before our arrival or descent upon land—all which time
they had employed in carrying away their plate and goods.
To this information they added that for their defence they
had received a supply of 60 men from Arica. Having taken
possession of the town, that evening there came a negro to
us, running away from the Spaniards. He likewise informed
us that, when we were before Panama, we had taken a negro
who was esteemed to be the best pilot in all the South Sea,
COQUIMBO 387
but more especially for this place and all the coasts of Coquim-
bo. Moreover, that if the Spaniards had not sent all the
negroes belonging to this city farther up into the country
out of our reach and communication, they would all un-
doubtedly have revolted to us.
That night about midnight our boatswain, accompanied
by 40 men and having a Chilian for their guide, went out of
the town some miles within the country, with design to find
out the places where the Spaniards lay concealed, and had hid
their goods and plate. But, before they came, the Spaniards
had received intelligence thereof from some secret spies they
had in the town, and both the men and their women were all
fled to places that were more occult and remote. So that by
this search they only found an old Indian woman and three
children, but no gold nor plate, nor yet any other prisoners.
This morning our ship came to an anchor, by the storehouse
above-mentioned, named Tortuga, at the distance of a furlong
from shore, in seven fathom water. While we were quartered
in the town, I took this following ground-plate thereof.
The next morning, being Saturday, December 4th, there
came into the town a flag of truce from the enemy. Their
message was to proffer a ransom for the town to preserve it
from burning, for now they began to fear we would set fire
to it, as having found no considerable booty or pillage therein.
The Captains, or chief Commanders, of both sides met about
this point, and agreed betwixt them for the sum of 95,000
pieces-of-eight to be the price of the whole ransom. In the
afternoon of this day I was sent down to the bay of Coquimbo,
with a party of 20 men, to carry thither both goods taken in
the town and provisions for the ship. It is two-leagues-and-a-
half from the town to the port—one league on the bay, the
rest being a very great road, which leads from the bay to the
city. The Spaniards promised that the ransom should be
collected and paid in by the next day. This day also there
died one of our negro slaves on board the ship.
The following day in the morning I returned back to the
town with the men I had brought down the day before. Only
six of them I left behind, to look after our canoes at the end
of the bay. When I came up into the city, I found that the
Spaniards had broken their promise, and had not brought
in the ransom they had agreed for; but had begged more
388 A SPANISH STRATAGEM
time until to-morrow at eight in the forenoon. This evening
another party of our men went down to the ship, to carry
goods, such as we had pillaged in the town. Moreover, that
night about nine o’clock happened an earthquake, which we
were very sensible of, as we were all together in the church
of San Juan, where our chief rendezvous and corps du garde
was kept. In the night the Spaniards opened a sluice, and
let the water run in streams about the town, with intent
either to overflow it and thereby force us out of the place,
or at least that they might the easier quench the flame, in
case we should fire the town.
On the next morning we set fire to the town, perceiving
it to be overflowed and that the Spaniards had not performed,
or rather that they never designed to perform their promise.
We fired, as nigh as we could, every house in the whole town,
to the intent it might be totally reduced to ashes. Thus we
departed from La Serena, carrying with us what plunder
we could find, having sent two parties before, loaded with
goods to the ship, as was mentioned above. As we marched
down to the bay, we beat up an ambuscade of 250 horse,
which lay by the way in private, with an intent to fall on our
men, in case we had sent down any other party again with
goods to the ship. When we came to the sea-side, being
half-way to our ship, we received advice that the Spaniards
had endeavoured, by an unusual stratagem, to burn our
ship and by these means destroy us all. They acted thus:
They blew up a horse’s hide like a bladder, and upon this
float a man ventured to swim from shore and come under
the stern of our ship. Being arrived there, he crammed
oakum and brimstone, and other combustible matter, between
the rudder and the stern-post. Having done this, he fired
it with a match, so that in a small time our rudder was on
fire and all the ship in a smoke. Our men both alarmed and
amazed with this smoke, ran up and down the ship, suspecting
the prisoners to have fired the vessel, thereby to get their
liberty and seek our destruction. At last they found out
where the fire was, and had the good fortune to quench it
before its going too far. As soon as they had put it out,
they sent the boat ashore, and found both the hide afore-
mentioned and the match burning at both ends, whereby
they became acquainted with the whole matter. When
RELEASE OF THEIR PRISONERS 389
we came to the storehouse on the shore-side, we set at liberty
the friar, our prisoner, and another gentleman who was
become our hostage for the performance of the ransom.
Moreover, when we came aboard, we sent away and set at
liberty Captain Peralta, Don Thomas de Argandona, Don
Baltazar, Don Christoval, Captain Juan, the Pilot’s Mate,
the old Moor, and several others of our chief prisoners. To
this release of our prisoners we were moved partly because
we knew not well what to do with them, and partly because
we feared lest by the example of this stratagem they should
plot our destruction in earnest, and by the help of so many
men, especially persons of quality, be able to go through
with it.
CHAPTER XV
The Buccaneers depart from Coquimbo for the isle of Juan
Fernandez. An exact account of this voyage. Misery they
endure, and great dangers they escape very narrowly there.
They mutiny among themselves, and choose Watling to be
their chief commander. Description of the island. Three
Spanish men-of-war meet with the Buccaneers at the said
island, but these outbrave them on the one side and give
them the slip on the other
BEING all embarked again, as was mentioned in the preceding
chapter, the next morning, which was Tuesday, December 7th,
twenty of us were sent ashore to observe the motion of the
enemy. We went to the look-out, or watch-hill, but could
learn nothing thence. Hereupon about noon we returned
on board the ship, and at two in the afternoon we weighed
anchor and set sail, directing our course for the isle of Juan
Fernandez, not far distant from the coast of Coquimbo. At
night we were five leagues distant thence at N.W. by N.
R %, & ke Cwdad
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DEPARTURE FROM COQUIMBO 391
The southermost island of those, which are called De los
Paxaros, or the Islands of Birds, was then N.N.W. from us.
Before our departure I took this draft of the bay of Coquimbo
and city of La Serena.
December 8th we had but very little wind and a lee-ward
current here, which we perceived did heave us to the North-
ward. The aforementioned island, De los Paxaros, at three
in the afternoon bore N.E. of us. At the distance of 3 leagues,
more or less, it appeared thus :—
26
ISLE DE LOS PAXAROS
It is distant from the main continent four leagues, and from
the next island of the same name about two. The mainland is
extremely high and mountainous hereabouts. At evening
we were west from the said island five leagues. About 8
or g leagues to windward of Coquimbo are certain white
cliffs which appear from the shore to those that are off at
sea.
On December gth we had likewise but little wind, as the
day before. I supposed myself this day to be about thirteen
leagues W. from the island above-mentioned. The weather
was cloudy, with mizzling rain, so that no observation could
be taken. However, this day it was thought convenient to
put us to an allowance of water, for we had taken in little
or none at Coquimbo. The same weather, or very like it, we
had the next day, being the roth—that is to say, stark calm
and cloudy.
On December 11th we had some small rain in the forepart
of the day. But in the afternoon it cleared up, so that the
weather was very hot. We had still but little wind.
The next day, December 12th, we had very fair weather,
and by a clear observation made this day we found lat.
30° 06’ S.
392 DEPARTURE FROM COQUIMBO
December 13th. By a W.S.W. way we made forty-two
leagues. By observation we found lat. 30° 45’S. D.M. 4
leagues and two-thirds.
On the 14th, in the morning, we had a handsome shower
of rain, which continued for some while. Then, about eight
o'clock, there sprang up a S.S.W. breeze. My reckoning was
by an E.S.E. way 14 leagues. And by observation we found
this day 30° 30'S. In the afternoon of this day died one of
our men whose name was William Cammock. His disease
was occasioned by a surfeit, gained by too much drinking on
shore at La Serena, which produced in him a calenture, or
malignant fever, and a hiccough. Thus in the evening we
buried him in the sea, according to the usual custom of
mariners, giving him three French volleys for his funeral.
The following day we had an indifferent fresh wind on both
tacks. Our way was W.S.W., and by it we reckoned 34
leagues. So likewise by an observation we had lat. 30° 42’ S.
All the afternoon blew a S. by W. wind very fresh, with
a short topping S.W. sea.
But on the next ensuing day we had no small breeze, but
rather hard gusts of wind. These grew so high that they
forced us to take in our top-sails. We made a S.W. half S.
way, and 45 leagues.
On the r7th we had likewise high winds, and withal a S.W.
sea. Our way W. byS. By observation this day lat. 30° 51’S.
In the afternoon we had a S.S.E. wind, our course being S.W.
December 18th. This day we had the same high winds
as before, at S.S.E. We reckoned by a W.S.W. way forty-five
leagues. At noon the wind was somewhat fallen, and then
we had some rain.
The 19th we had both cloudy and windy weather. My
reckoning was a S.W. by S. way, and hereupon fifty-eight
miles. Yesterday we were assured by our pilot that we
were now in the meridian of the island of Juan Fernandez,
whither our course was directed for the present. What
occasioned him to be so positive in his assertion was the
seeing of those great birds of which we made mention in the
foregoing chapter.
On the 2zoth we had cloudy weather in the morning on both
tacks. We madeaS.W. and half S. way, and by it 52 leagues.
By observation this day lat. 32° 20'S. D.M. 123 leagues.
ISLAND OF JUAN FERNANDEZ § 393
The next day likewise we had cloudy weather, yet by
observation we found a W. way. On the 22nd by observation
we found an E. way proved.
Thursday, December 23rd. All the night past we had a
fresh wind. But, in the morning from top-mast head we
descried a hummock of land. In the evening we saw it again.
We found afterwards that what we had seen was the Western-
most island of Juan Fernandez—which is nothing but a mere
rock, there being no riding, nor scarce landing, near to it.
Friday, December 24th. This morning we could descry
the island of Juan Fernandez itself S. by E., it being at
sixteen leagues distance when we saw it yesterday. At
even this morning the island stood E., the wind being N.W.
or by N. At eight the same morning the island at the distance
of five leagues, little more or less, appeared thus :—
RA
IsLE DE JUAN FERNANDEZ
Here my observation was that I could see neither fowl
nor fish near this island; both which things are usually to
be seen about other islands. Having told my observation
to our pilot, he gave me for answer that he had made many
voyages by this island and yet never saw either fowl or fish
any more than I. Our reckoning this day was an E.S.E. way,
and hereby 36 leagues. By observation lat. 33° 30’ S.
Saturday, December 25th. Yesterday, in the afternoon
at three o’clock, we saw the other island making two or three
hummocks of land. This morning we were about eight leagues
distant from it, the island bearing E.S.E. from us. At eight
the same morning we were right abreast with it. Here,
therefore, are two islands together, the biggest whereof is
3 leagues and a-half in length nearest N.W. and S.E., the
other (and lesser) is almost one league and no more in circum-
ference. At ten o’clock we sent off from the ship one of our
canoes to seek for the best landing and anchoring for our
394 ISLAND OF JUAN FERNANDEZ
vessel. As we approached, both islands seemed to us nothing
but one entire heap of rocks. That which lies more to the
N. is the highest, though we could not now see the tops
thereof for the clouds which covered it. In most places it
is so steep that it becomes almost perpendicular.
This day being Christmas-day, we gave in the morning
early three volleys of shot for solemnization of that great
festival. I reckoned an E. by S. way. By a clear observation
from the middle of the island lat. 33° 45’ S., and M.D. 99
leagues. In the evening of this day we came to an anchor at
the South end of the island in a stately bay that we found
there, but which lies open from the S. to the S.E. winds.
We anchored in eleven fathom water, and at the distance
of only one furlong from the shore. Here we saw multitudes
of seals covering the bay everywhere, insomuch that we
were forced to kill them to set our feet on shore.
Sunday, December 26th. This day we sent a canoe to see
if we could find any riding secure from the southerly winds,
these being the most constant winds that blow on these
coasts. The canoe being gone, our Commander sent likewise
what men we could spare on shore, to drive goats, whereof
there is great plenty in this island. They caught and killed
that day to the number of three-score or thereabouts. The
canoe, returning to the ship, made report that there was
good riding in another bay, situate on the North side of
the island, in fourteen fathom water and not above one-
quarter-of-a-mile from the shore. Moreover, that there was
much wood to be had, whereas in the place where we had
first anchored not one stick of wood nor tuft of grass was to
be found.
The next day, being the 27th, between two and four o’clock
in the morning we had a tempest of violent winds and fierce
showers of rain. The same day we got in two-hundred jars
of water, bringing them the full distance of a league from
the place of our riding. In the meanwhile others were
employed to catch goats, as they had done the day
before.
On the 28th of the said month, in the morning, I went
with ten more of our company and two canoes, to fetch water
from the land. Being come thither and having filled our
jars, we could not get back to the ship by reason of a Southerly
——eeEEee—e—eeeeee
WILD-GOATS; A TEMPEST 395
wind that blew from off the ocean and hindered our return,
Thus we were forced to lie still in a water-hole, and wait
till the winds were over for a safer opportunity. Meanwhile,
the violence of the wind increasing, our ship was forced to
get under sail and make away, not without danger of being
forced ashore. Hereupon she sailed out of the harbour,
to seek another place of anchoring. At noon I ventured out,
to try if I could follow the ship, but was forced in again by
the wind and a raging sea. Thus we lay still for some while
longer till the evening came on. This being come, we ven-
tured out again both canoes together, but the winds were
then so high that we were forced to throw all our jars of water
overboard to lighten our boats—otherwise we had inevitably
perished. I ought to bless and praise God Almighty for this
deliverance, for, in all human reason, the least wave of that
tempest must have sunk us. Notwithstanding, we came
that night to our place, or harbour, where we expected to
have found our ship (called False Wild Harbour)—but found
her not. Hereupon, not knowing what to do, we went ashore,
and hauled up our canoes dry. Having done this, we ascended
higher within the island, along a gulley, for the space of
half-a-mile, there to clear ourselves of the noise and company
of the seals, which were very troublesome on the shore. Here
we kindled a fire, dried our clothes, and rested ourselves all
night, though with extremely hungry bellies, having eaten
very little or nothing all the day before. In the sides of the
hill under which we lay we observed many holes like coney-
holes. These holes are the nests and roosting-places of
multitudes of birds that breed in this island—called by the
Spaniards fardelas. One of these birds, as we lay drying
and warming ourselves, fell down into our fire.
The next morning being come, very early before sunrise
we went farther to the northward, to seek for our ship, which
we feared we had lost. But we were not gone far when we
soon spied her at sea. Hereupon we passed a point of land
and entered a certain bay, which was about a mile deep and
not above half-a-league over. Into this bay we put, and
instantly made a fire, thereby to show the ship whereabouts
we were. Here we found good watering and wooding close
to the shore. In this bay also we saw another sort of amphibi-
ous animal, which I imagined to be the same that by some
396° SEALS; PARDELAS. SEA-LIONS
authors is called a ‘ Sea-Lion ’’4. These animals are six times
bigger than seals. Their heads are like that of a lion, and
they have four fins not unlike a tortoise. The hinder parts
of these creatures are much like fins, but are drawn after
them, being useless upon the shore. They roared as if they
had been lions, and were full of a certain short and thick
hair, which was of a mouse colour, but that of the young
ones was somewhat lighter. The old ones of these sea-lions
are between 12 and 14 feet long and about 11 or 12 feet in
circumference. A seal is very easily killed, as we often
experimented, but two of our men with great stones could
not kill one of these animals.
That day in the afternoon there came a canoe from on board
the ship with provisions for us, they fearing lest we should
be starved. In like manner the launch came with men to
cut wood. They told us that the ship came to an anchor
in the other bay, but that within half an hour the cable
broke, and they were forced to leave their anchor behind
them and get out to sea again. Night being come, we made
our beds of fern, whereof there is huge plenty upon this
island, together with great multitudes of trees like our English
box, which bear a sort of green berries, smelling like pimento,
or pepper. All this day the ship was forced to ply off at sea,
not being able to get in.
December 30th. The morning of this day we employed
in filling water and cutting down wood. But in the afternoon
eight of us eleven went aboard the ship all in one and the same
canoe, sending her ashore again with provisions for the men
that were there. This day in like manner we could not get
into the harbour, for no sooner the ship came within the
parts of land but the wind coming out of the bay blew us
clear out again. Thus we were forced to ply out all that
night and great part of the following day.
On the next day, having overcome all difficulties and
many dangers, we came to an anchor in the afternoon in
fifteen fathom water, at the distance of a cable’s length from
shore. Here it was observable that we were forced to keep
1 Probably the seal, Otaria jubata, of the Pacific Ocean, which has a
large crest or mane, on its neck. Cf. Dampier, Voyages (1697), ed. 1729,
i, 90: ‘‘ The Sea Lion is a large creature about 12 or 14 foot long.”’ It
must not be confused with the walrus, as is frequently done.
WINDY WEATHER 397
men ashore on purpose to beat off the seals, while our men
filled water at the sea-side, at high-water mark, for the
seals covet hugely to lie in fresh water. About this island
fish is so plentiful that in less than one hour’s time two men
caught enough for our whole company.
Saturday, January 1st, 1681. This day we put up a new
main-top, larger than the old one, and we caught cray-fish
that were bigger than our English lobsters.
The next day, being January 2nd, died a chief man of
our company, whose name was John Hilliard. This man,
until our weighing anchor from the port of Coquimbo, had
been our Master all the space of this voyage. But from that
time we chose John Cox for the starboard, and John Fall
for the larboard, watch. The disease whereof he died was
the dropsy. That evening we buried our dead companion,
and gave him a volley for his funeral, according to the usual]
custom.
On January 3rd we had terrible gusts of wind from the
shore every hour. This day our pilot told us that many years
ago a certain ship was cast away upon this island, and only
one man saved, who lived alone upon the island five years
before any ship came this way to carry him off. The island
has excellent land in many valleys belonging thereunto.
This day, likewise, we fetched our anchor which we left in
the other bay when the ship broke her cable.
Tuesday, January 4th, 1681. This day we had such terrible
flaws of wind that the cable of our ship broke, and we had
undoubtedly been on shore had not the other held us fast.
At last it came home, and we drove outward. By the way it
caught hold of a rock, and held some time, but at last we
hauled it up, and the wind came with so much violence that
the waves flew as high as our main-top and made all the
water of a foam.
January 5th the same huge gusts of wind continued all the
night last past, notwithstanding which this day at noon it
was brave and calm. But in the morning the anchor of
our ship gave way again, and we drove to the Eastward more
than half-a-mile, till at last we happened to fasten again in
60 fathom water. Here in this bay where we rode at anchor
did run a violent current, sometimes into and at other times
out of the bay, so’ that all was uncertain with us. But our
398 MUTINY AMONG THE BUCCANEERS
greatest discomfort was that our men were all in a mutiny
against each other, and much divided among themselves,
some of them being for going home towards England or our
foreign plantations, and that round about America through
the Strait of Magellan, as Captain Sawkins had designed
to do; others of them being for staying longer and searching
farther into those seas till such time as they had got more
money. This day at noon our anchor drove again, whereupon,
to secure ourselves from that dangerous place, we sailed
thence into the West bay, anchored there in twenty-five
fathom water, and moored our ship one-quarter-of-a-mile
from shore.
On Thursday, January 6th, our differences being now
grown to a great height, the mutineers made a new election
of another person to be our chief Captain and Commander,
by virtue whereof they deposed Captain Sharp, whom they
protested they would obey no longer. They chose therefore
one of our company whose name was John Watling, to
command in chief, he having been an old privateer and
gained the esteem of being a stout seaman. The election
being made, all the rest were forced to give their assent to
it, and Captain Sharp gave over his command, whereupon
they immediately made articles with Watling, and signed
them.
The following day, being the 7th, we burnt and tallowed
the starboard side of our ship. In this bay where we now
anchored we found a cross cut in the bark of a tree and several
letters besides. Hereupon, in another tree up the gulley,
I engraved the two first letters of my name, with a cross over
them. This day, likewise, William Cook, servant to Captain
Edmund Cook, being searched, we found a paper with all our
names written in it, which it was suspected he designed to
have given to the Spanish prisoners. For these reasons this
evening our Captain thought it convenient to put him in irons,
which was accordingly done. The next day we finished the
other side of our ship.
Sunday, January 9th. This day was the first Sunday
that ever we kept by command and common consent since
the loss and death of our valiant commander, Captain Saw-
kins. This generous-spirited man threw the dice overboard,
finding them in use on the said day.
SPANISH MEN-OF-WAR 399
January 10th. This day the weather was very clear and
settled again. We caught every day in the bay where we now
were great plenty of fish, and I saw the same day a shoal
of fish a mile and more long.
On the next day, being the 11th, we filled our water and
carried our wood on board the ship. Moreover, our two
canoes went to the other side of the island to catch goats,
for on the barren side thereof are found and caught the best,
and by land it is impossible to go from one side of the island
to the other.
Wednesday, January 12th. This morning our canoes
returned from catching goats, firing guns as they came
towards us to give us warning. Being come on board, they
told us they had espied three sail of ships, which they con-
ceived to be men-of-war, coming about the island. Within
half-an-hour after this notice given by our boats, the ships
came in sight to leeward of the island. Hereupon we immedi-
ately slipped our cables and put to sea, taking all our men
on board that were ashore at that time. Only one, William,
a Mosquito Indian, was then left behind on the island, because
he could not be found at this our sudden departure. Upon
the Island of Juan Fernandez grow certain trees that are
called by the name of bilby-trees. The tops of these trees
are excellent cabbage, and of them is made the same use
that we do of cabbage in England. Here fish abound in such
quantity that on the surface of the water I have taken fish
with a bare and naked hook, that is to say unbaited. Much
fish is taken here of the weight of twenty pounds, the smallest
that is taken in the bay being almost two pound weight.
Very good timber for building of houses and other uses is
likewise found upon the island. It is distant from the main
continent ninety-five leagues or thereabouts, being situate
in 33° 40’ S. The plats of the island lie N.W. and S.E.
Being got out of the bay, we stood off to sea, and kept
to windward as close as we could. The biggest of these
Spanish men-of-war, for such they proved to be, was of the
burden of 800 tons, and was called El Santo Christo, being
mounted with twelve guns. The second, named San Francisco,
was of the port of 600 tons, and had ten guns. The third
was of the carriage of 350 tons, whose name I have forgotten.
As soon as they saw us, they instantly put out their bloody
400 ISLAND OF JUAN FERNANDEZ
flags, and we, to show them that we were not as yet daunted,
did the same with ours. We kept close under the wind, and
were, to confess the truth, very unwilling to fight them, by
reason they kept all in a knot together and we could not
single out any one of them or separate him from the rest—
especially considering that our present Commander, Watling,
had showed himself at their appearance to be faint-hearted.
As for the Spaniards themselves, they might have easily come
to us, since we lay by several times, but undoubtedly they
were cowardly given, and peradventure as unwilling to engage
us aS we were to engage them.
The following day, being January 13th, in the morning
we could descry one of the forementioned men-of-war under
the leeward side of the island, and we believed that the rest
were at anchor thereabouts. At W. by S. and at the distance
of seven leagues the island appeared thus :—
es oe
ISLE OF JUAN FERNANDEZ LAT. 33° 40. S.
.At noon that day we stood towards the island, making as
if that we intended to be in with them. But in the afternoon
our Commander propounded the question to us whether
we were willing now that the fleet was to windward, to bear
away from them. To this we all agreed with one consent.
And hereupon, night being come, with a fresh wind at S.S.E.
we stood away N.E. by N., and thus gave them handsomely
the slip, after having outbraved them that day and the day
before.
CHAPTER XVI
The Buccaneers depart from the isle of Juan Fernandez to that of
Iquique. Here they take several prisoners, and learn intelli-
gence of the posture of affairs at Arica. Cruelty committed
upon one of the said prisoners who had rightly informed
them. They attempt Arica the second time, and take the
town, but are beaten out of it again before they could plunder—
with great loss of men, many of them being killed, wounded,
and made prisoners. Captain Watling, their chief Com-
mander, ts killed in this attack, and Captain Sharp presently
chosen again, who leads them off, and through mountains of
difficulties makes a bold retreat to the ship
Havina' bid our enemies adieu, after the manner as was said
in the preceding chapter, the next morning, being January
14th, we bore N.E. We reckoned this day a N.N.E. one
quarter S. way, and by it 30 leagues. We were four leagues
E. from the island of Juan Fernandez, when I took our
departure.
Saturday, January 15th, we had hazy weather. This day
we made by a N.E. by N. way 11 leagues. The same hazy
weather continued in like manner the 16th. But about ten
2D 401
402 DEPART FROM JUAN FERNANDEZ
that morning the wind died away. Our reckoning was a
N.E. by N. way, and 36 leagues.
On the 17th we had a soft gale, and a clear observation.
We found by it lat. 28° 47’ S. easting 70 leagues. The next
day we had likewise a clear day, and we reckoned by a N.E.
by N. way 31 leagues. By observation lat. 27° 29’ S.
Wednesday, January 19th, we had a clear day, as before,
and reckoned a N.E. by N. way, and 35 leagues and two-
thirds. By observation we took lat. 25° 00’ S. This day
we put up our top-gallant masts and sails, which we had
taken down at the island of Juan Fernandez, when we thought
to have gone directly thence for the Strait of Magellan.
But now our resolutions were changed, and our course was
bent for Arica, that rich place, the second time, to try what
good we could do upon it by another attempt, in order to
make all our fortunes there. In the evening of this day we
saw land at a great distance.
January 2oth, about midnight, we had a small land-wind
that sprang up and reached us. At break of day we could
descry land again, at the distance of g or 10 leagues, more
or less. This day was very hot and calm, easting 92 leagues.
On the 21st we had very little wind, and all along as we
went we could descry high land, and that barren. We sailed
N. by E., and N.N.E. along the coast of the continent.
The next day being Saturday, January 22nd, we had very
hot weather. This day we sailed N. and N. by E., and looked
out continually for the island of Iquique, which our pilot
told us was hereabouts. We kept at a just distance from land
for fear of being descried by the enemy.
On the following day, Sunday, 23rd, we sailed in like
manner N.N.E. along the coast, which seems to be very full
of bays hereabouts. By observation this day we took lat.
21. AO. Ss,
Monday, January 24th. This day we had an indifferent
gale of wind, and we stood N. and by E., the wind being
S.S.E. By observation lat. 21° 02’ S. Our whole easting I
reckoned to be g2 leagues and a-half. In the afternoon of
this day Captain Watling, our Commander, and 25 men
more departed from the ship in two canoes, with design to
seek for and take the island of Iquique, and there to gain
intelligence of the posture of affairs at Arica. We were at
a
THE ISLAND OF IQUIQUE 403
the distance of twelve leagues from shore when they went
away from the ship.
The next day by a clear observation lat. 20° 40’ S. At
four in the afternoon this day one of our canoes returned,
bringing word that they could not find the island, though
they had searched for it very diligently. At night came the
other, being brought back by a wrong sign given us by the
first canoe. This second canoe had landed upon the continent,
and there found a track, which they followed for some little
space. Here they met a dead whale, with whose bones the
Spaniards had built a hut, and set up across. There lay also
many pieces of broken jars. They observed likewise that
hereabouts upon the coast were many bays, good landings,
and anchoring for ships. That evening, about seven o’clock,
a fresh gang departed from the ship to seek for the same
island, while we lay becalmed all night, driving about a league
to leeward.
Wednesday, January 26th, we had extremely hot weather.
This day the Spanish pilot told us that on the continent
over against us, and at the distance of a very little way
within the land, are many rich mines of silver, but that the
Spaniards dared not open them for fear of an invasion from
some foreign enemy or other. We sailed N., at the distance
of about 2 leagues from shore. At noon by observation found
lat. 20° 21'S. At four o’clock we saw a smoke made by our
men, close by a white cliff, which proved to be the island.
Hereupon we immediately sent away another canoe with
more men, to supply them in their attempts. But in the
meanwhile the first canoe, which had departed the evening
before this day, came aboard, bringing with them four
prisoners, two old white men and two Indians.
The other canoe, which set out last, brought back molasses,
fish, and two jars of wine. To windward of the said island
is a small village of eighteen or twenty houses, having a small
chapel near it built of stone, and for adornment thereof it is
stuck full of hides or the skins of seals. They found about
50 people in this hamlet, but the greatest part of them made
their escape at the arrival of the canoe. To this island fre-
quently come barks from Arica, which city is not far distant,
to fetch clay, and they have already transported away a
considerable part thereof. The poor Indians, inhabitants
404 MURDER OF AN OLD INDIAN
or natives of this island, are forced to bring all the fresh
water they use the full distance of eleven leagues, that is
to say from a river named Camarones, which lies to leeward
of the island. The barque wherein they used to bring it was
gone for water when our men landed upon the place. The
island all over is white, but the bowels thereof are of a reddish
sort of earth. From the shore is seen here a great path which
leads over the mountains into the country. The Indians of’
this island eat much and often a sort of leaves that are of
a taste much like our bay-leaves in England, insomuch that
their teeth are dyed a green colour by the continual use of it.
The inhabitants go stark naked, and are very robust and
strong people, yet notwithstanding they live more like beasts
than men.
Thursday, January 27th. This morning on board the ship
we examined one of the old men who were taken prisoners
upon the island the day before. But, finding him in many
lies, as we thought, concerning Arica, our Commander ordered
him to be shot to death, which was accordingly done. Our
old Commander, Captain Sharp, was much troubled in his
mind and dissatisfied at this cruel and rash proceeding,
whereupon he opposed it as much as he could. But, seeing
he could not prevail, he took water and washed his hands,
saying : Gentlemen, I am clear of the blood of this old man;
and I will warrant you a hot day for this piece of cruelty, when-
ever we come to fight at Arica. These words were found at the
latter end of this expedition of Arica to contain a true and
certain prophecy, as shall be related hereafter.
The other old man, being under examination, informed
us that the island of Iquique aforementioned belonged to
the Governor of Arica, who was proprietor thereof; and
that he allowed these men a little wine and other necessaries,
to live upon for their sustenance. That he himself had the
superintendence of forty or fifty of the governor’s slaves,
who caught fish and dried it for the profit of the said governor,
and he sold it afterwards to the inland towns, and reaped
a considerable benefit thereby. That by a letter received
from Arica eight days ago they understood there was then
in the harbour of Arica three ships from Chile, and one bark.
That they had raised there a fortification mounted with
12 copper guns. But that when we were there before, they
ee a at Nias
ON Ee Le a
OTHER OLD INDIAN’S RELATION 405
had conveyed out of the town to the neighbouring stations
all their plate, gold, and jewels, burying it there in the ground
and concealing it after several manners and ways, which,
whether it were now returned or not, he could not easily
tell. That there were two great places, the one at ten, the
other at twenty-five, leagues distance from Arica, at which
towns lay all their strength and treasure. That the day
before had passed a post to declare our having been at Coquim-
bo. That the embargo laid on all vessels going northward
was now taken off, so that a free passage was allowed them.
That by land it was impossible to go hence to Arica in less
than four or five days, forasmuch as they must carry water
for themselves and horses for the whole journey. And, lastly,
that those arms that were brought from Lima to Arica, as
was mentioned above, were now carried away to Buenos
Ayres. All these things pleased us mighty well to hear.
But, however, Captain Sharp was still much dissatisfied
because we had shot the old man. For he had given us
information to the full, and, with all manner of truth, how
that Arica was greatly fortified, and much more than before ;
but our misfortune was that we took his information to be all
contrary to the truth.
The leaves of which we made mention above are brought
down to this island in whole bales, and then distributed to
the Indians by a short allowance given to each man. This
day we had very hot weather, and a S.W. sea. By observa-
tion we found lat. 20° 13’ S. Besides the things above-
mentioned, our prisoners informed us that at Arica the
Spaniards had built a breastwork round about the town, and
one also in every street, that, in case one end of the town
were taken, they might be able to defend the other. We
stood off and on for the greatest part of this day. In the
afternoon we were 8 leagues and a-half distant from shore,
with a fresh wind. That morning, moreover, we took the
bark that was at the river of Camarones, to fill water for the
island.
Friday, January 28th. Last night about midnight we left
the ship, and embarked ourselves in the bark aforementioned,
the launch, and four canoes, with design to take Arica by
surprise. We rowed and sailed all night, making in for the
shore.
ye THE ATTACK ON ARICA
Saturday, January 29th. About break of day we got
under shore, and there hid ourselves among the rocks for
all the day long, fearing lest we should be descried by the
enemy before we came to Arica. At this time we were
about 5 leagues to southward of Arica, near Quebrada de San
Vitor, a place so-called upon that coast. Night being come,
we rowed away from there.
Sunday, January 30th, 1680. This day (being the day
that is consecrated in our English Calendar to the Martyrdom
of our glorious King Charles the First) in the morning about
sunrise, we landed amongst some rocks at some distance of
4 miles, more or less, to the southward from Arica. We put
on shore 92 men in all, the rest remaining in the boats to keep
and defend them from being surprised by the enemy, with
the intent we might leave behind us a safe retreat in case
of necessity. To these men we left strict orders that, if we
made one smoke from the town or adjoining fields, they
should come after us towards the harbour of Arica with one
canoe ; but, in case we made two, that they should bring all
away, leaving only 15 men in the boats. As we marched
from our landing-place towards the town, we mounted a
very steep hill, and saw thence no men nor forces of the
enemy ; which caused us to hope we were not as yet descried,
and that we should utterly surprise them. But, when we
were come about half of the way to the town, we spied three
horsemen, who mounted the look-out hill; and, seeing us
upon our march, they rode down full-speed towards the city,
to give notice of our approach. Our Commander, Watling,
chose out 40 of our number to attack the fort, and sent us
away first thitherwards, the rest being designed for the
town. We that were appointed for the fort had ten hand
grenades among us when we gave the assault, and with them,
as well as with our other arms, we attacked the castle, and
exchanged several shot with our enemies. But at last,
seeing our main body in danger of being overborne with
the number of our enemies, we gave over that attempt on
the fort, and ran down in all haste to the valley, to help and
assist them in the fight. Here the battle was very desperate,
and they killed three and wounded two more of our men
from their out-works, before we could gain upon them. But,
our rage increasing with our wounds, we still advanced, and
ee ee. a
THE ATTACK ON ARICA 407
at last beat the enemy out of all, and filled every street in
the city with dead bodies. The enemy made several retreats
to several places, from one breastwork to another ; and we
had not a sufficient number of men wherewith to man all
places taken. Insomuch that we had no sooner beat them
out of one place than they came another way, and manned
it again with new forces and fresh men.
We took in every place where we vanquished the enemy
great number of prisoners, more indeed than peradventure
we ought to have done or knew well what to do with; they
being too many for such a small body as ours was to manage.
These prisoners informed us that we had been descried no
less than three days before from the island of Iquique, whereby
they were in expectation of our arrival every hour, knowing
we still had a design to make a second attempt upon that
place. That into the city were come 400 soldiers from Lima,
who, besides their own, had brought 700 arms for the use
of the country-people ; and that in the town they had 600
armed men, and in the fort 300.
Being now in possession of the city, or the greatest part
thereof, we sent to the fort, commanding them to surrender ;
but they would not vouchsafe to send us any answer. Here-
upon we advanced towards it, and gave it a second attack,
wherein we persisted very vigorously for a long time. Not
being able to carry it, we got upon the top of a house that
stood near it, and from there fired down into the fort, killing
many of their men and wounding them at our ease and
pleasure. But, while we were busied in this attack, the rest
of the enemy’s forces had taken again several posts of the
town, and began to surround us in great numbers, with
design to cut us off. Hereupon we were constrained to desist
the second time as before from assaulting the fort, and make
head against them. This we no sooner had done than, their
numbers and vigour increasing every moment, we found
ourselves to be overpowered, and consequently we thought
it convenient to retreat to the place where our wounded men
were, under the hands of our surgeons, that is to say our
Hospital. At this time our new Commander, Captain Watling,
both our quartermasters, and a great many others of our
men were killed, besides those that were wounded and dis-
abled. So that now, the enemy rallying against us and
408 DEPEAT OF THE BUCCANEERS
beating us from place to place, we were in a very distracted
condition, and in more likelihood to perish every man than
escape the bloodiness of that day. Now we found the words
of Captain Sharp to bear a true prophecy, being all very
sensible that we had had a day too hot for us, after that
cruel heat in killing and murdering in cold blood the old
Mestizo Indian whom we had taken prisoner at Iquique,
as before was mentioned.
Being surrounded with difficulties on all sides and in great
disorder, having no head or leader to give orders for what
was to be done, we were glad to turn our eyes to our good
and old Commander, Captain Bartholomew Sharp, and beg
of him very earnestly to commiserate our condition and carry
us off. It was a great while that we were reiterating our
supplications to him before he would take any notice of our
request in this point, so much was he displeased with the
former mutiny of our people against him, all which had been
occasioned by the instigation of Mr Cook. But Sharp is a
man of an undaunted courage and of an excellent conduct,
not fearing in the least to look an insulting enemy in the face,
and a person that knows both the theory and practical parts
of navigation as well as most do. Hereupon, at our request
and earnest petition, he took upon him the Command-in-
chief again, and began to distribute his orders for our safety.
He would have brought off our surgeons, but that they had
been drinking while we assaulted the fort, and thus would
not come with us when they were called. They killed and
took of our number 28 men—18 more that we brought off
were desperately wounded. At this time we were extremely
faint for want of water and victuals, whereof we had had
none all that day. Moreover, we were almost choked with
the dust of the town, this being so much raised by the work
that their great guns had made that we could scarcely see
each other. They beat us out of the town, and then followed
us into the Savannas, or open fields, still charging us as fast
as they could. But when they saw that we rallied again,
resolving to die one by another, they then ran from us into
the town, and sheltered themselves under their breastworks.
Thus we retreated in as good order as we could possibly
observe in that confusion. But their horsemen followed
us as we retired, and fired at us all the way, though they
FLIGHT OF THE BUCCANEERS 409
would not come within reach of our guns, for their own
reached farther than ours, and outshot us more than one-
third. We took the sea-side for our greater security ; which,
when the enemy saw, they betook themselves to the hills,
rolling down great stones and whole rocks to destroy us.
In the meanwhile those of the town examined our surgeons
and other men whom they had made prisoners. These gave
them our signs that we had left to our boats that were behind
us, so that they immediately blew up two smokes, which
were perceived by the canoes. This was the greatest of our
dangers. For, had we not come at the instant that we did
to the sea-side, our boats had been gone, they being already
under sail, and we had inevitably perished every man. Thus
we put off from the shore, and got on board about ten o’clock
at night, having been involved in a continual and bloody
- fight with the enemy all that day long.
CHAPTER XVII
A description of the Bay of Arica. They sail hence to the Port
of Guasco, where they get provisions. A draft of the said
port. They land again at Hilo to revenge the former affronts,
and take what they could find
Havine ended our attempt at Arica, the next day, being
January the last, we plied to and fro in sight of the port,
to see if they would send out the three ships we had seen
in the harbour to fight us. For upon them we hoped to revenge
the defeat and disappointment we had received at the town
the day before. But our expectations in this point also were
frustrated, for not one of those vessels offered to stir.
Risa de Aricag ;
7 CA dejeruption of Arica
Pee ge
The houses of this town of Arica are not above eleven-feet
high, being built of earth and not of brick or timber. The
town itself is four-square in figure, and at one corner stands
the castle, which may easily be commanded even with small
arms from the hill which lies close to it. This place is the
embarcadero, or port-town, of all the mineral towns that lie
hereabouts, and hence is fetched all the plate that is carried
to Lima, the head city of Peru. I took the bay of Arica as
it appeared to me.
410
DEPARTURE FROM ARICA 41!
On Tuesday, February 1st, we had a clear observation,
and by it we found lat. 19° 06’ S. This day we shared the
old remains of our plate, taken in some of our former
booties. Our shares amounted only to 37 pieces-of-eight to
each man.
N.B.—Here I would have my reader take notice that from
this day forward I kept no constant Diary or Journal as I had
done before, at least for some considerable space of time, as
you see hereafter—my disease and sickness at sea being the
occasion of intermitting what I had never failed to do in all
the course of this voyage till now. Only some few memorandums
as my weakness gave leave I now and then committed to paper,
which I shall give you as I find them, towards a continuance
of this history. Thus :—
Monday, February 14th. This night between eleven and
twelve o’clock died on board our ship William Cook, who was
the servant aforementioned to Captain Edmund Cook, of
whom likewise mention has been often made in this Journal.
February 16th, 1680. This day we found ourselves to be
in lat. 27° 30’ S. We had a constant breeze at S.E. and
S.S.E. till we got about 200 leagues from land. Then, at the
eclipse of the moon, we had a calm for two or three days ;
and then a breeze at N. for the space of two days; after
which we had a calm again for two or three days more.
March 1st. By observation, lat. 34° or’ S. At this time
begins the dirty weather in these seas. We lay under a pair
of courses, the wind being at S.E. and E.S.E., with a very
great sea at S.S.E.
March 3rd. All hands were called up, and a council held ;
wherein, considering it was now dirty weather and late in
the year, we bore up the helm and resolved to go to the main
for water, and thence to leeward, and so march overland
towards home or at least to the North Sea. But God directed
us from following this resolution, as you shall hear hereafter.
We being thus determined that day, we stood N.E. with a
strong wind at S.E. and E.S.E.
On March 5th died our Coquimbo Indian. The seventh
we had a West-wind, our course being E. by N. The eighth
of the said month we were put to an allowance, having only
one cake of bread a day. March roth, we had a strong South-
wind.
412 THE PORT OF GUASCO
On March 12th we fell in with the mainland, somewhat
to leeward of Coquimbo. Within the island of Paxaros are
double lands, in whose valleys are fires for the melting of
copper, with which metal these hills abound. Off to sea-
board it is a rocky land, and within it is sandy. About the
distance of eight leagues to leeward is a rocky point with
several quays or rocks about it. About one half-mile to
leeward of this point turns in the port of Guasco. Right
against the anchoring are three rocks, close under the shore.
Being arrived here, we landed on shore three-score men
of our company, with design to get provisions and anything °
else that we could purchase. The people of the country
all ran away as soon as they saw us. There was building on
shore in this port a fire-bark of 16 or 18 tons burden, with a
cock-boat belonging to it. We took one Indian prisoner,
and with him went up the space of six or seven miles into
the country to an Indian town of three-score or four-score
houses. Thence we came back to the church, which is distant
four miles from the sea-side; and lodged there all night.
Here are multitudes of good sheep and goats in the country
adjoining this port, and it is watered with an excellent fresh-
water river; but the getting of the water is very difficult,
the banks being very high or otherwise inaccessible. How-
ever, we made a shift to get in 500 jars of water. Furthermore,
we brought away 120 sheep and four-score goats, with which
stock we victualled our vessel for a while. As for oxen,
MORO DE HORSE ~—s 4413
they had driven them away farther up into the country.
The jurisdiction of Guasco itself is governed by a Tenente,
or Deputy-Governor, and a Friar, and is in subjection to the
city of La Serena above-mentioned, being a dependence upon
it. Here grows corn, peas, beans, and several other sorts of
grain; and for fruits this place is not inferior to Coquimbo.
Here we found likewise a mill to grind corn, and about 200
bushels thereof ready ground, which we conveyed on board
our ship. Every house of any account has branches of water
running through its yards or courts. The inhabitants had
hidden their wine and other best things, as plate and jewels,
having descried us at sea before our landing—so that our
booty here, besides provisions, was inconsiderable. How-
ever, we caught some few fowls, and eat five or six sheep, and
likewise a great hog, which tasted very like our English pork.
The hills are all barren, so that the country which bears fruit
is only an excellent valley, being four times as broad as that
of Hilo above-mentioned. These people of Guasco serve
the town of Coquimbo with many sorts of provisions. We
gave the Indian whom we had taken his liberty, and I took
the port of Guasco.
Tuesday, March 15th, 1680. This morning we departed
from the port of Guasco aforementioned, with very little
wind, having done nothing considerable there, excepting only
the taking in the few provisions above-related. We were
bent therefore to seek greater matters, having experienced
but ill success in most of our attempts hitherto. On March
20th, Moro de Horse, being high doubled land, and at E. by
N. appeared thus to us, in lat. 24° S. :—
29
Moro DE Horse LAT, 24° S.
oo
At N., and at the distance of ten leagues, more or less, we
saw the great and high hill of Moro Moreno, being so called
414 MORO MORENO
from its colour. It is a dark hill, but much higher and bigger
than the other aforementioned, and appears like an island,
thus :—
ee
Moro MorENo EAT: 22° /30°°S:
We had now very dark weather all along the coast. On
March 21st we were W. from the bay of Mexillones. The
point of this bay one league upwards represents exactly a
sugar-loaf.
March 22nd. This day our boat and canoes went from the
ship, well manned, to find the river Loa. They went also
about two leagues to leeward of it, to a fishing village, but
could find no place fit for landing ; whereupon they returned
without doing anything. The next day another canoe of
our company went out upon the same exploit, but found the
same success. Yet, notwithstanding, here Sir Francis Drake
watered, and built a church, as we were told by our pilot.
This church is now standing on the sea-side by the river,
whose mouth is now dry. There are several huts to windward
of it; and from the said church or chapel a great path goes
up the hills; which leads to Pica.
On Thursday, March 24th, by observation lat. 20° 10’ S.
This day also we saw land at 18 leagues distance, more or less.
Sunday, March 27th, we saw Mora de Sama and Lacumba
at some distance. The same day we had an observation,
and found by it lat. 18° 17’ S. That evening we departed
from the ship with our boats and canoes towards the coast
of Hilo, upon which we now were. We landed and took the
village of Hilo undescried, they scarce suspecting we could
have any design upon that place the second time. We caught
the friar who was chaplain to the town, and most of the
inhabitants, asleep, making them prisoners-of-war. Here
we heard a flying report that 5000 English had lately taken
Panama the second time, and kept it. But this rumour,
as it should seem, proved to be a falsity. At this time the
river came out, and was overflowed, it being near the time
of the freshes. Here the prisoners told us that in Arica ten:
me
—" ‘
CAPTURE OF HILO 415
of our men were still alive, whereof three were surgeons, all
the rest being dead of their wounds. The Spaniards sent
word to Hilo that we had killed 70 men and wounded three
times as many of their forces. Here the inhabitants said that
of 45 men sent to the relief of Arica from hence there came
home but only two alive. We filled what water we pleased
here, but a small boat that we brought from Guasco broke
loose from us and was staved to pieces on the rocks. Here
we took 18 jars of wine, and good store of new figs. On
Tuesday following we went up to the sugar-works mentioned
in our former expedition against Hilo, and found all fruits
just ripe and fit for eating. There we laded seven mules
downwards with molasses and sugar. The inhabitants told
us, moreover, that those who came to fight us when we were
here the first time weré most of them boys, and had only
50 firearms amongst them, they being commanded by an
English gentleman who is married at Arequipa. Likewise,
that the owner of the sugar-works aforementioned was now
engaged in a suit-at-law against the town of Hilo, pretending
it was not the English who robbed him and spoilt his zngenzo,
when we were there before, but the townsmen themselves.
This day in the evening we sailed from Hilo with dark weather
and little wind, which continued for several days afterwards.
CHAPTER XVIE
They depart from the Port of Hilo to the Gulf of Nicoya, where
they take down their decks and mend the sailing of their
ship. Forty-seven of their companions leave them, and go
home overland. A description of the Gulf of Nicoya. They
take two barks and some prisoners there. Several other
remarks belonging to this voyage
From the time that we set sail from the port of Hilo until
Sunday, April roth, 1681, nothing happened to us that might
be accounted remarkable; neither did I take any notes all
this while, by reason of my indisposition aforementioned.
This day we could hear distinctly the breaking of the seas
on the shore, but could see no land, the weather being ex-
tremely dark and hazy. Notwithstanding, about noon it
cleared up, and we found ourselves to be in the bay called
De Malabrigo. The land in this bay runs due E. and W.
By an observation made, we found this day 6° 35’S. We saw
from here the leeward island of Lobos, or Seals, being nothing
but a rocky and scraggy place. On the S.W. side thereof is
a red hill, which is a place about the said island which the
Indian fishermen much frequent. It is situated in lat. 6° 15'S.
This day likewise in the evening we saw the point called
Aguja.
On Saturday, April 16th, we came within a league distance
of the West-end of the island of Plate, above described.
The next day to this, being Sunday, April 17th, 1681, our
mutineers broke out again into an open dissension, they
having been much dissatisfied all along the course of this
voyage, but more especially since our unfortunate fight at
Arica, and never entirely reconciled to us since they chose
Captain Watling and deposed Sharp at the isle of Juan
Fernandez, as was related above. Nothing now could appease
416
a
CAPTURE OF BONITOS 4t7
them nor serve their turn but a separation from the rest of
the company and a departure from us. Hereupon this day
they departed from the ship, to the number of 47 men, all in
company together, with design to go overland by the same
way they came into those seas. The rest who remained
behind did fully resolve and faithfully promise to each other
they would stick close together. They took five slaves in
their company, to guide and do them other service in that
journey. This day we had lat. 1° 30'S. We sailed N.N.W.
before the wind.
The next day after their departure, being April 18th, we
began to go to work about taking down one of our upper
decks, thereby to cause our ship still to mend her sailing.
We now made a N.W. by N. way, by observation lat. 25° N.,
the wind being at S.W.
On April 19th we made a N.W. by N. way. By observation
lat. 2° 45’ N. In the afternoon we had cloudy weather. The
following day likewise we made the same way, and by it 70
miles, according to my reckoning.
On the 21st in the morning we had some small showers of
rain, and but little wind. We saw some turtle upon the
surface of the water, and great quantity of fish. We caught
twenty-six small dolphins. By aN.W. by N. way, we reckoned
this day forty miles.
April 22nd. This day we caught seven large dolphins and
one bonito. We saw likewise whole multitudes of turtle
swimming upon the water, and took five of them. By observa-
tion lat. 5° 28’ N. MHereabouts runs a great and strong
current. This day we lowered the quarter-deck of our ship,
and made it even to the upper deck.
The following day we had but small wind, and yet great
showers of rain. Hereupon every man saved water for him-
self, and a great quantity was saved for the whole company.
In the morning of this day we caught eight bonitos, and in
the evening ten more.
On April 24th we had both cloudy and rainy weather.
By observation lat. 7° 37’N.; M.D. 92 leagues. This morning
we caught forty bonitos, and in the evening thirty more.
In the afternoon we stood N., the wind being at S.W. by S.
Monday, April 25th. All the night before this day we
had huge gusts of wind and rain. At break of day we were
2E
418 THE ISLAND OF CANO
close in with land, which upon examination proved to be the
island of Cano. To westward thereof is very high land.
About noon this day it cleared up, and we had lat. 8° 34’ N.
In the evening we sent a canoe to search the island. In it
they found good water, and even ground, but withal an open
road. At night we stood off the first watch, and the last we
had a land wind.
The next day following at daylight we stood in, and about
noon we came to an anchor at the East side of the island
aforementioned, which is not in breadth above one league.
In the afternoon we removed from our former anchoring
place, and anchored again within shot of the N.E. point of
the island. In this place grows great number of coco trees all
over the greatest part of the isle. On the North side thereof
are many rivulets of good water to be found in sandy bays.
We saw moreover some good hogs on shore, whereof we
killed one, and two pigs. Here are great numbers of turtle-
doves, and huge store of fish, but withal, very shy to be
caught. To Northward of the island it looks thus :—
31 | ae
Ista DEL CANO LATS Saas NG
April 27th we had some rain and wind the forepart of the
day, but the afternoon was fair. The next day in like manner
we had great quantity of rain. On Saturday, the 30th, about
seven o'clock in the morning we weighed anchor from the
aforesaid island with little wind, and stood N.W. That
day fell much rain, with great thunder and lightning.
Monday, May 2nd. This day we observed and found lat.
9° N. The coast all along appeared to us very high and
mountainous, and scarce six hours did pass but we had
thunder, lightning, and rain; the like continued for the two
days following, wherein we had nothing but almost continual
thunder and rain.
On May 5th we had an indifferent fair day, and that
evening we were right off of the Gulf of Nicoya.
I'riday, May 6th. This morning we saw the cape very
5 es |
OS EE oe
to ie ae ge age ce? Fem Oe
<a
eg as
CAPTURE OF TWO BARKS 419
plain before us. N. by E. from it, are certain quays at eight
leagues distance close under the main. We steered N.N.W.
towards the biggest of them, at whose E.S.E. side are two or
three small rocks. The main eastward is fine savanna, or
plain and even land, through which goes a very great road,
which is to be seen from the sea. At noon the port of Caldero,
commonly called Puerto Caldero, bore N. from us. At
which time the ebb forced us to sound in the middle of the
gulf, where we found fourteen fathom water. After this
we anchored nearer to the eastern quays, in 19 fathom, where
we had oozy ground.
Saturday, May 7th. The night before this day was very
fair all night long. In the morning we went in a canoe, being
several in company, to seek for a place to lay our ship in.
Amongst the islands along the shore we found many brave
holes, but little or no water in them, which caused us to dislike
what we had found. On one of the said islands we happened
to find a hat, and many empty jars of water, which showed
us that some people had been lately there. About eight
in the evening our ship weighed anchor at young flood, and
about three in the afternoon we anchored again in six-fathom
water.
Sunday, May 8th, 1681. The night before this day, we had
much rain, with thunder and lightning. The morning being
come, our Commander, Captain Sharp, departed from the
ship in two canoes, with 22 men in his company, out of design
to surprise any vessels or people they could meet hereabouts.
In the meanwhile, in the evening, we drove up with the tide
(there being no wind) in the ship, for the space of two or three
leagues higher, till we found but three fathom at high water.
Here we backed astern. At this time we saw one of our
canoes coming off from the island that was ahead of us (which
was named Chira), calling for more men and arms, and
saying there were two ships to be seen higher up the gulf.
Hereupon eight of us went away with them ashore, whereof
two joined the party aforementioned, and the six remaining
were appointed to guard the prisoners they had taken. To
these we showed ourselves very kind, as finding that they
were very sensible of the cruelties of the Spaniards towards
them and their whole nation. Here we found eight or nine
houses and a small:chapel standing. These people have
420 SHIP-REPAIRS
been in former times a considerable and great nation, but
are now almost destroyed and extinguished by the Spaniards.
We ascended a creek of the sea for a league, or thereabouts,
and took two barks by surprisal, which were the two sail
they had told us of before. One of these barks was the same
we had taken before at Panama, of which I made mention
at the beginning of this history.
On Monday following this day we weighed anchor with
our barks, and drove down the creek, with the tide at ebb,
towards our ship. The prisoners that we had taken here
informed us that, when we were to westward in these seas
before, there lay 100 men at the port of Santa Maria. That
our men who left us at the island of Cayboa, as was mentioned
above, met the other bark that we lost at sea, as we were
sailing thither, and thus all went overland together. That
in the North Seas, near Porto Bello, they had taken a good
ship, and that for this cause, ever since, the Spaniards had
kept at the mouth of the river of Santa Maria three Avmadilla
barks, to stop and hinder others from going that way. On
Monday night our Captain, with 24 men, went from the ship
into another creek, and there took several prisoners, among
whom was a shipwright and his men, who were judged able
to do us good service in the altering of our ship: these
carpenters being there actually building two great ships for
the Spaniards. Having taken these men, they made a float
of timber to bring down the tools and instruments they
were working withal. Here it happened that they put several
tools and some quantity of iron-work into a dory, to be
conveyed down the river with the float. But this dory sank
by the way, being overladen with iron, and one of our company,
by name John Alexander, a Scotchman, was unfortunately
drowned by this means.
On Thursday following, May 12th, we sent a canoe from
the ship, and found the dory that had been sunk. That
evening likewise drove down the body of our drowned man
aforementioned. Hereupon we took him up, and on Friday
morning following threw him overboard, giving him three
French volleys for his customary ceremony. Both this day
and t 
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